scholarly journals Li-per-els[i] o la despronominalització del clític datiu en català: un fenomen incipient

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (23) ◽  
pp. 247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Pineda
Keyword(s):  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Clitic Doubling ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Anaphoric Pronoun

This contribution aims to study a phenomenon which has recently emerged in Catalan and which seems to contradict the foundations of referential cohesion. It is a phenomenon parallel to what in the Spanish linguistic tradition has been dubbed le-for-les, that is to say, the use of a singular dative clitic when doubling a plural indirect object, as in Li[sg.] he donat el llibre als nens[pl.] ‘I have given the book to the kids’. I will show that this phenomenon, which is more and more present in Valencian varieties as well as in the Catalan spoken in the area of Barcelona, can be accounted for as an instance of depronominalization of the dative clitic pronoun, as a result of the generalization of dative clitic doubling which has occurred, precisely, in the mentioned varieties. As doubling becomes systematic, li looses its status of anaphoric pronoun and, deprived of any trace of agreement, it becomes just a grammatical marker in the verb, a sort of verbal affix whose sole function is to indicate the presence of a prominent argument in the sentence, the indirect object. I present a variety of factors that may create the conditions where such a verbal affix (the non-agreeing dative clitic) becomes necessary. Finally, I provide a formal analysis based on the assumption that doubling clitics are the realization of an applicative head, which is responsible of introducing the IO in the structure.

La duplicación de clíticos en español como estrategia de marcación inversa

Revue Romane ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-206
Author(s):  
Natalia Pericchi ◽  
Bert Cornillie ◽  
Freek Van de Velde ◽  
Kristin Davidse
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Direct Object ◽  
Clitic Doubling ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Syntactic Function ◽  
19Th And 20Th Century

Abstract Clitic doubling is the phenomenon in which, in a clause, a NP or a stressed pronoun and a clitic pronoun refer to the same entity and have the same syntactic function. Previous studies on this phenomenon in Spanish observe that it takes place when the elements involved have features such as +preposition and +definiteness that make them prone to topicalization, such as with stressed pronouns (Silva-Corvalán, 1984; Melis and Flores, 2009; Vázquez Rozas and García Salido, 2012). However, we have found that in 19th and 20th Century Spanish, doubling often occurs with elements that are not typically topical, such as indefinite NPs. On the basis of a sample of the Argentinian variety from the CORDE and CREA corpora we found that doubling in ditransitive clauses has two functions: it can mark topical indirect objects, but it can also flag inverse distributions which have unexpected promotion of the direct object and demotion of the indirect object in the accessibility scale.

scholarly journals Double object constructions and dative / accusative alternations in Spanish and Catalan: A unified account

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Pineda
Keyword(s):  
Font Size ◽  
Double Object ◽  
Clitic Doubling ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Dative Alternation ◽  
Transitivity Alternations ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Ditransitive Constructions

<span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;" lang="EN-US">This paper has a twofold aim: to present a unified analysis of ditransitive constructions and transitivity alternations (dative/accusative alternations) in Spanish. As for the first phenomenon, and more concretely the purported existence in Spanish of something comparable to the English dative alternation, we will show the weaknesses of what we consider an analysis fruit of the tendency consisting of finding in the Romance area an exact reflex of English facts. Therefore, we will refute the hypothesis defended by several authors (Masullo 1992, Demonte 1995, Romero 1997, Cuervo 2003a,b) according to which Spanish ditransitive constructions with dative clitic doubling correspond to double object constructions (DOC), whereas non-doubled constructions correspond to the so-called prepositional constructions (PC), or <em>to-</em>dative, in English. After a careful and exhaustive examination of the data, we will argue that Spanish (and Catalan) ditransitive constructions instantiate DOC, whether they bear clitic doubling or not. &nbsp;Pronominalization facts in Catalan, a language which preserves prepositional clitics, will support this analysis, based on the postulation of an affectedness/possession restriction with gradual implementation. As for the second phenomenon of study, the existence of true case alternations in Spanish, we will argue that we are dealing with a kind of variation constrained by the same restriction (or a version of it) which acts in the realm of ditransitive predicates. Here, also, Catalan data will reveal crucial for our analysis. Crucially, we will show that what lies behind Spanish and Catalan dative/accusative alternation is an instance of Differential Indirect Object Marking (DIOM</span>

La discordancia de número en el doblado de objeto indirecto: nuevos datos del español de Galicia

2021 ◽  
Vol 137 (2) ◽  
pp. 477-513
Author(s):  
Begoña Sanromán Vilas
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Language Contact ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Clitic Doubling ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
Indirect Object

Abstract The article analyses the loss of agreement between the dative clitic and its plural nominal referent in indirect object clitic-doubling in Spanish spoken in Galicia. On the basis of the previously defended hypothesis that number disagreement makes part of a grammaticalisation process whereby the clitic becomes a case affix, the paper examines some internal factors which lack consensus in previous studies, such as the relation between (in)transitivity and position of the clitic or animacity of nominal referents of the IO, and other external factors. Data analysis reveals that the percentage of disagreement in this area is much higher than in other Spanish speaking areas. This fact might be a consequence of language contact with Galician, a language where number inflection in the dative clitic is neutralised. To verify this hypothesis, the paper explores the relation between the number of occurrences of disagreement and the level of bilingualism of the speakers.

scholarly journals The roots of ditransitive verbs of caused possession

2020 ◽  
pp. 107-158
Author(s):  
John Beavers ◽  
Andrew Koontz-Garboden
Keyword(s):  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Dative Alternation ◽  
Change Of State ◽  
Ditransitive Verbs

Chapter 3 examines English ditransitive verbs, which show the dative alternation between indirect object and to frames, each supposedly reflecting a different template for a single manner-describing root. It shows that these two templates are semantically highly underspecified, and it is the root that fleshes out many of the surface verb’s basic entailments. These entailments include change-of-state, possession, and co-location, all of which are independently known to be templatic meanings, arguing again against Bifurcation. The root also governs whether the verb even shows the dative alternation, a root-conditioned syntactic effect. A formal analysis of root/template composition is developed that relies on manner roots being able to impose conditions on the template’s result states in ways that predict the verb’s grammatical and semantic behavior. Counterproposals that might retain Bifurcation are also considered, though it is argued that they are dispreferred for various reasons.

scholarly journals Clitic Doubling in Majorcan Spanish and Catalan

10.29007/zdfp ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amelia Jiménez ◽  
Pedro Guijarro-Fuentes ◽  
Acrisio Pires
Keyword(s):  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Production Data ◽  
Clitic Doubling ◽  
Preliminary Results ◽  
Oral Production ◽  
Indirect Object ◽  
Bilingual Speakers ◽  
Personal A ◽  
Third Person ◽  
Peninsular Spanish

In this study, we focus on clitic doubling with a human or animate referent. We attempt to determine whether or not bilingual Catalan-Spanish speakers (from Mallorca, Spain) employ the corresponding preposition (so-called personal a) in this type of clitic doubling structure in Spanish and in Catalan. In addition, we consider the use of third-person [± human] pronominal, non-reflexive clitics, both for direct and indirect object.We present results from a study of forty bilingual speakers from Mallorca. The data we analyzed came from spontaneous oral production data from all the participants in the study. Each participant was recorded twice, once in Spanish and once in the Majorcan Catalan variety. Each recording consisted of interviews with the researcher involving a variety of topics and lasted approximately 10 to 15 minutes.The preliminary results indicate that in Majorcan Spanish there are no substantial differences compared to Peninsular Spanish regarding the use of third person, non-reflexive clitics. Regarding the Majorcan Catalan uses, the results are also not so different in comparison to Peninsular Catalan, but we see a substantial increase in the rate of distinct uses of the neutral clitic ho. However, when third-person clitics are used in a clitic doubling structure in Spanish there is a difference between L1 speakers of Catalan and L1 speakers of Spanish. This is because the former tend to omit the preposition in the corresponding DP.

scholarly journals Persian object clitics and the syntax-morphology interface

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pollet Samvelian ◽  
Jesse Tseng
Keyword(s):  
Formal Analysis ◽  
Clitic Doubling ◽  
Verb Forms ◽  
Object Clitics

This paper presents a descriptive overview and formal analysis of the use of pronominal clitics for realizing various types of arguments in Persian, with particular emphasis on object clitics in the verbal domain. We argue that pronominal clitics behave more like suffixes than independent syntactic elements; in cases where they take syntactic scope over an NP or a PP, they must be phrasal affixes. We propose an HPSG analysis to account for the morphosyntactic aspects of verbal suffixation of object clitics, possessive clitics, preverbal object clitics, and clitic doubling constructions. Finally, we explore extensions of the analysis to periphrastic verb forms, and we compare our proposals for Persian to previous HPSG work on clitic phenomena in other languages.

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