The Afterlife of the Roman de la rose

Author(s):  
Christine McWebb

Mobility in learned circles was a reality in the Europe of the Middle Ages, and it is only when we consider the reception of well-known works, such as the thirteenth-century Roman de la rose, in the countries where they circulated in the local language that we are able to gain a more complete understanding of their impact on literary and cultural currents even after the authors had passed away. Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun’s conjoined Roman de la rose (1236, 1269-78) is without a doubt one of the foundational works of French medieval literature with over 360 extant manuscripts. Focusing on two non-French adaptations of this work that appeared within a century of the date of its composition, I show that these translations, or more accurately rewritings, enabled its survival and contributed to its sustained popularity in medieval Europe. The adaptations that are the subject of this analysis are Il Fiore, a thirteenth-century translation and adaptation into Italian often attributed to Dante, and the Romaunt of the Rose, commonly attributed to Geoffrey Chaucer. I conclude that through the medieval practice of interpretatio, the authors of the Fiore, and the Romaunt of the Rose adapt the original text to reflect their own contemporary cultural realities.

PMLA ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 178-183
Author(s):  
Ronald Sutherland

The Authorship of the Romaunt of the Rose, subject of ardent controversy for nearly a century, can at last be established beyond any significant measure of doubt, for there is a new and highly reliable kind of evidence to show that at least two men were responsible for the existing partial translation of the famed Roman de la rose into Middle English. More than 200 MSS of the original French poem, composed by Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun in the thirteenth century, have been catalogued by the late Ernest Langlois. The French scholar divided these MSS into three main groups, I, II, and III, and into subgroups or families marked by capital letters; while individual MSS he designated by the family letter plus a lower-case letter, Ab, He, Ha, and so on. In consequence of Langlois' great work, scholars have been enabled to compare the ME Romaunt with the variant readings of the MSS of its French original, and as will be demonstrated below, such comparison throws revealing light upon the facts of the Romaunt's composition.


Reinardus ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 87-108
Author(s):  
Meradith T. McMunn

Abstract The text of the Roman de la Rose by Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun incorporates animal imagery drawn from many disparate sources including proverbs, the Bible, Ovid and other classical authors, histories, the Books of Beasts, and the Roman de Re-nart, especially in Jean de Meun's part of the poem. The illustrated Rose manuscripts reflect and extend these animal references in hundreds of framed miniatures and marginal drawings. Analysis of the animal imagery in the Rose text and of a generous sample of illustrations in Rose manuscripts demonstrates the distinctive textual and visual predilections and strategies of the Rose authors and illustrators and may also yield clues to the identity and tastes of the patrons of individual manuscripts.


ATAVISME ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-41
Author(s):  
Dian Swandayani ◽  
Imam Santoso ◽  
Ari Nurhayati ◽  
Nurhadi Nurhadi

Tiga novel Umberto Eco, The Name of The Rose, Baudolino, dan Foucault’s Pendulum, dengan lingkup latar masing-masing yang dikisahkannya, membantu pembaca Indonesia guna lebih mengenal kondisi Eropa, khususnya kondisi Eropa pada abad pertengahan, suatu rentang waktu dalam sejarah Eropa yang panjang dengan berbagai peristiwa historis lainnya. Meskipun berupa novel, informasi faktual yang disampaikan lewat ketiga novel tersebut dapat memperkaya wawasan pembaca guna mengetahui situasi Eropa pada masa abad pertengahan, meliputi rentangan teritorial yang melampaui kawasan Eropa sekarang, bahkan juga mengisahkan suatu kelompok sosial yang memegang peran penting dalam perjalanan sejarah Eropa. Novel‐novel Eco tampaknya tidak mudah dipahami oleh pembaca Indonesia, apalagi tentang detail yang dipaparkan mengenai sejarah Eropa abad pertengahan, terkait dengan detail situs-­‐situs geografis dan tokoh-tokoh utama yang menjadi titik penting dalam perjalanan sejarah Eropa. Meskipun demikian, hal ini bisa dimanfaatkan sebagai wahana pembelajaran sejarah, khususnya sejarah Eropa abad pertengahan. Abstract: Umberto Eco’s novels, The Name of The Rose, Baudolino, and Foucault’s Pendulum, with each specific setting, can help Indonesian readers to understand Europe, particularly in the Middle Ages, a long period in the European history which has various other historical events. Although the works are imaginary, the factual information in the novels can enrich the readers’ knowledge about the situation of Europe in the period of time, including the territorial extent which exceeded the present European territory. The works, in fact, tell aboutthe social group which played significant roles in the history of Europe. For Indonesian readers, it is not easy to understand the novels, let alone the details related to the history of Europe in the Middle Ages, the geographical sites, and the important people who played significant roles in the European history. However, the novels can be used as a medium for learning history, particularly the Medieval Europe. Key Words: history of Europe; novels; setting; learning; Indonesian readers


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 865-899
Author(s):  
Jonathan Couser

The early Middle Ages produced a series of law codes for the new “barbarian” kingdoms of Europe, which succeeded the western Roman Empire. These law codes were often inspired by the precedent and sometimes the content of Roman vulgar law as well as the customs of the respective peoples for whom they were written and the interests of their rulers. The making of law could often play a vital role in the stabilization of kingdoms, especially under new rulers. Early medieval secular lawmaking falls into three broad periods: the early royal laws of the Frankish, Burgundian, and Visigothic peoples in the fifth and sixth centuries; the interrelated composition of Lombard, south German, and perhaps also early Anglo-Saxon law in the seventh and eighth centuries; and the writing up of the last “ethnic” laws for peoples subject to Charlemagne's empire, such as Frisians and Saxons, in order to accommodate them into a multiethnic empire committed to the principle of personality of the law. The subject of this article, the law of the Bavarians (Lex Baiuvariorum, hereafter abbreviated “Lb”), belongs to the second of these stages. However, scholars have never reached consensus as to the date of its composition nor where it was created. This has inhibited the use of the Lb for any but they most general discussion of Bavarian society. This article will review the evidence for the Lb's date and place of composition, to suggest that we can plausibly identify them more precisely than has been done, and therefore argue that the distinctive features of this text can be tied to specific political needs.


2013 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-68
Author(s):  
Carolyn Muessig

Francis of Assisi's reported reception of the stigmata on Mount La Verna in 1224 is widely held to be the first documented account of an individual miraculously and physically receiving the wounds of Christ. The appearance of this miracle, however, in the first quarter of the thirteenth century, is not as unexpected as it first seems. Interpretations of Galatians 6:17—“I bear the marks of the Lord Jesus Christ in my body”—had been circulating in biblical commentaries since the early Middle Ages. These works posited that clerics bore metaphorical and sometimes physical wounds(stigmata)as marks of persecution, while spreading the teaching of Christ in the face of resistance. By the seventh century, the meaning of Galatians 6:17 had been appropriated by bishops and priests as a sign or mark of Christ that they received invisibly at their ordination, and sometimes visibly upon their death. In the eleventh century, Peter Damian articulated a stigmatic spirituality that saw the ideal priest, monk, and nun as bearers of Christ's wounds, a status achieved through the swearing of vows and the practice of severe penance. By the early twelfth century, crusaders were said to bear the marks of the Passion in death and even sometimes as they entered into battle. By the early thirteenth century, “bearing the stigmata” was a pious superlative appropriated by a few devout members of the laity who interpreted Galatian 6:17 in a most literal manner. Thus, this article considers how the conception of “bearing the stigmata” developed in medieval Europe from its treatment in early Latin patristic commentaries to its visceral portrayal by the laity in the thirteenth century.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Daniel Padilha Pacheco da Costa

<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>Neste artigo, pretende-se discutir a paródia do amor cortês pelos lamentos burlescos do <em>Testament </em>de François Villon, com base nos preceitos e modelos que orientavam a invenção das letras na época. Complementares ao lamento do próprio testador pelo amor louco da sua juventude, os <em>Regrets de la belle heaulmière </em>utilizam como modelo poético o sermão da Velha do <em>Roman de la rose</em>. A imitação de uma das passagens desse poema mais duramente censuradas por Christine de Pisan evidencia que esses lamentos só podem ser compreendidos à luz do debate sobre o <em>Roman de la rose</em>, realizado no início do séc. XV na França. Dessa perspectiva, a paródia deve ser considerada não como uma recusa da tradição cortês no final da Idade Média, como pela crítica contemporânea, mas como um gênero particular da poesia burlesca visando a ridicularização do amor louco.</p> <p><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>François Villon; paródia; amor cortês; debate sobre o <em>Roman de la rose</em>; lamentos burlescos.</p> <p class="Pa2"><strong> </strong></p> <p class="Pa2"><strong>Abstract: </strong>This paper intends to discuss the parody of courtly love performed by the burlesque regrets of François Villon’s <em>Testament</em>, using the poetic precepts and models based on which the writing was invented at the time. Complementary to the regret of the testator himself for the mad love of his youth, the <em>Regrets de la belle heaulmière </em>use as a poetic model the Old Woman’s sermon of the <em>Romance of the rose</em>. The imitation of one of the passages of this poem most harshly criticized by Christine de Pisan shows that those regrets can only be understood in the light of the debate of the <em>Romance of the rose </em>at the beginning of the XVth century in France. From this point of view, his parody must be considered not as a rejection of the courtly tradition in the late Middle Ages, as it is by contemporary criticism, but as a particular genre of burlesque poetry aiming to mock mad love.</p> <strong>Keywords: </strong>François Villon; parody; courtly love; debate on the <em>Roman de la rose</em>; burlesque regrets.


1966 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Josiah C. Russell

Sometime in the period 1300-48, English population reached its high point in the Middle Ages. All agree that it rose rapidly in the thirteenth century and dropped catastrophically in 1348-77. Its course in the first half of the century, however, is the subject of two sharply divergent opinions. One is that population increased gradually to about 3,700,000 at the outbreak of the plague, a point at which “the agricultural people were being crowded.” The other opinion is less exact: population reached its height about 1315, when the great famine and pestilence of 1315-17 reduced the population markedly and started a decline, restrained perhaps by a mild recovery in the two decades before 1348. According to this second theory population was much denser than the 3,700,000: even in the late thirteenth century, England had a “starving and over-populated countryside,” with “the poor sokemen of Lincolnshire — [struggling] to support five people on five acres of land,” and “a society in which every appreciable failure of harvests could result in large increases in deaths in a society balanced on the margin of subsistence.”This study will discuss first the pattern of English society as it appears in Domesday Book and the descriptions of manors called extents, which must be understood in order to estimate population properly. Next, it will consider some interesting evidence concerning social class differential mortality. Third, it will try to estimate the mortality of the 1315-17 famine and pestilence. Fourth, it will take up the trend of population change from 1300 to 1348. Fifth, it will consider the reliability of the poll tax data. Lastly, it will discuss the problem of household size and its relationship to the total population of England in the period.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-121
Author(s):  
S.J. Badakhchani

Abstract Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (1201–1274), the most eminent Muslim thinker of thirteenth-century Iran occupies a unique place among the Muslim polymaths of the Middle Ages who have gained recognition both in the East and West. In the West, he is recognised as a scientist whose contribution to astronomy, trigonometry and mathematics influenced the course of scientific developments, and in the East as a supreme teacher who contributed significantly to the application of metaphysical argumentation and philosophical terminology in Sufism, Ismaili and Twelver Shiʿi theology, bringing the Ismaili humanistic and ethical tradition of philosophers into the centre of Islamic ethical discourse. The renown of his commentary on Avicenna’s “Hints and Indications” (al-Išārāt wa-l-tanbīhāt) seems to have gained him the position of the foremost master of Avicennian philosophy. From another aspect al-Ṭūsī can be considered a partisan of Nizārī Ismaili theological thinking, a doctrine that in his opinion was somehow in harmony with Avicennan philosophy when he equates Necessary Existence with God. However, while commenting on Avicenna’s theorem of Divine Providence, al-Ṭūsī finds the Avicennan position unacceptable. The conclusions reached in this paper uphold the influence of Nizārī Ismaili philosophical deliberations on the nature of the Divine and His knowledge, not only on al-Ṭūsī and al-Šahrastānī but also on Avicenna himself. Needless to say, the wide scope of the subject prevents us from reaching definitive answers to all the questions raised and this attempt endeavours to lay the ground for further investigations to reach a clearer understanding of the subject.


Florilegium ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. e34008
Author(s):  
Sébastien Rossignol

This article studies the images and the Latin and French texts in a Book of Hours of Premonstratensian Use held at Memorial University Libraries. While the Annunciation scene in Books of Hours has been the subject of numerous studies, the Pentecost scene representing Mary reading to the Apostles has received limited attention in research. The article assesses the meaning of these images and their possible connection to reading practices in late medieval Europe.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 167-175
Author(s):  
B. A. Molchanov ◽  
M. V. Novikov

The paper discusses formation and development of criminal legislation on the subject and subjective signs of the crime in the countries of medieval Europe within the comparative jurisprudence. The authors note that the level of culture and statehood in any society and its government bodies as a whole depends on the attitude of the society and the state to those who committed unlawful, criminally punishable acts. On the materials of criminal law in the Ancient World and the Middle Ages (Ancient Rome, Ancient Greece, etc.) a strict liability was in law-enforcement practice. New states were formed during the Middle Ages. That led to the need of strengthening their authority of state power and statehood. Consequently, the state got the right to protect the interests of the individual and society, and the right to creation a new criminal legislation and its institutions. The church survived after liquidation of many public and state institutions. On the one hand, it contributed to the preservation of scientific achievements of the Ancient World. On the other hand, the church deprived science of free critical attitude to the issues under study. Philosophy and jurisprudence were based on theology. Criminal-legal institutions could be developed only in the direction, which had been approved by the church. Clearly, the idea of protecting the rights of the individual, strict liability and conditions of sanity could not be widely applied. As soon as the states were originated, strict liability was necessary to stop the blood feud and delegation of the judiciary from the society to the state. The obtained knowledge about the world and deeper understanding of the causality of what is happening facilitated the process. From the political point of view, theology (a Christian doctrine) influenced the criminal law policy in Medieval Time. The legislator regulated a range of subjects of the crime. In X - XI centuries, ancient ideas of strict liability were accepted in Europe. Crimes were divided into willful and not deliberate. The principle of the personal guilty is directly related to the subject of the crime. Murderers, rapists, thieves, swindlers and others were declared criminals. Judicial practice of many times and peoples gives us numerous examples confirming the existence of views on the animal as a subject of crime. Age limits of legal responsibility were defined as the minority, which is different from the social maturity, and sometimes old age, were considered the reason for the undisputed crime blamed of a crime to a subject. People under 14 years old could not be subjected to the death penalty, except when "malice can make up for the lack of age". The authors pay attention to the fact that the interests of healthy individuals guided medieval jurisprudence and medicine. They also regulated peculiarities of the healthy individuals’ legal capacity, presence of dementia and mental illnesses, etc. The mitigation of punishment in some cases when the fault of the subject of the crime was absent, fixing the criminal-legal significance of the motive of the crime, intent and some other subjective features in the legislation were a progress. Studies of the Medieval European States shows that the legislator at that time did not formulate general signs of the subject of the crime and did not know the criminal legal concept of strict liability. However, there was a need to solve the problem. Thus, the paper discusses the essence of the criminal legal significance of the сorpus delicti, its place in the criminal law and law enforcement practiceю. The authors used scientific literature of both foreign and Russian


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