scholarly journals Deconstructing Childhood as a Way to Justice

Paideusis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-37
Author(s):  
Chi-Ming Lam

Despite the multiplicity of constructions of childhood in various disciplines, the prevalent view is that children are incompetent in the sense of lacking reason, maturity, or independence. In this paper, I first examine how this dominant view is constructed in the fields of philosophy and psychology, highlighting the perspectives of Plato, Aristotle, John Locke, John Stuart Mill, and Jean Piaget. Then, following Jacques Derrida who conceives justice as a source of meaning for deconstruction, I deconstruct several of the dominant constructions and argue that they do not do children justice. To return justice to childhood, I suggest that childhood should be regarded as a self-contained state with distinctive features that are worthy of consideration in their own right rather than as an incomplete state of incompetence relative to adulthood that is considered a complete state of humans, while adulthood should be regarded as a never-ending process of becoming mature that includes rather than excludes childhood. Moreover, I suggest that both the absolute denial of adult rights to children and the naturalization of childhood in developmental psychology as a biologically determined and culturally universal stage of irrationality should be challenged.

Author(s):  
Alan Ryan

This chapter explains what liberalism is. It is easy to list famous liberals, but it is harder to say what they have in common. John Locke, Adam Smith, Montesquieu, Thomas Jefferson, John Stuart Mill, Lord Acton, T. H. Green, John Dewey, and contemporaries such as Isaiah Berlin and John Rawls are certainly liberals. However, they do not agree on issues such as the boundaries of toleration, the legitimacy of the welfare state, and the virtues of democracy. They do not even agree on the nature of the liberty they think liberals ought to seek. The chapter considers classical versus modern liberalism, the divide within liberal theory between liberalism and libertarianism, and liberal opposition to absolutism, religious authority, and capitalism. It also discusses liberalism as a theory for the individual, society, and the state.


Iuris Dictio ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 6 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián Albuja
Keyword(s):  

En las últimas décadas, el pensamiento libertarianista ha adquirido cierto protagonismo en el mundo académico y en el ámbito político1. Los defensores del libertarianismo se han autoproclamado los verdaderos herederos del liberalismo clásico, y han sostenido que el liberalismo actual no plantea ni defiende adecuadamente las ideas fundamentales del liberalismo clásico. Para los libertarianistas modernos, el liberalismo de esta época, en todas sus variaciones, distorsiona los ideales del liberalismo clásico, mientras que el libertarianismo entiende e interpreta de manera precisa lo que el liberalismo clásico supone en nuestros días.En este ensayo cuestiona y critica esta posición asumida por el libertarianismo moderno. Para ello, en primer lugar, explicaré de manera breve la posición liberal clásica sobre el rol legítimo del estado y la autoridad, propuesta por John Locke y John Stuart Mill, haciendo una breve referencia a la “Carta sobre la Tolerancia” de Locke y al libro “Sobre la Libertad” de Mili. Luego trataré de explicar la posición del libertarianismo actual acerca los límites del poder y la actividad estatal, haciendo referencia a las ideas propuestas por Robert Nozick.Sobre la base de estas dos secciones, trataré de argumentar que la idea de que el liberalismo clásico de Locke y Mili desemboca necesariamente en el libertarianismo actual, del cual Nozick es quizá el más sólido defensor, es imprecisa y descansa sobre premisas incorrectas. Finalmente, intentaré hacer una crítica al argumento de Nozick en defensa del “estado mínimo” (nightwatchman state).La “Carta sobre la Tolerancia” de Locke y “Sobre la Libertad” de Mili son dos piezas clave que contienen los argumentos fundacionales en defensa de la libertad. Estos autores parten de la premisa de que la libertad es un valor superior y que, por lo tanto, debe ser preservada a toda costa. Es decir, Locke y Mili no se ocupan de explicar y demostrar, a través de mecanismos de fundamentación moral, por qué la libertad es un valor superior que debe ser privilegiado frente a otros, como, por ejemplo, el valor de la comunidad o de lo comunal2. Para estos dos autores, la mejor manera de proteger la libertad individual es determinar conprecisión su alcance y sus límites. Adicionalmente, es imprescindible desarrollar mecanismos adecuados para evitar que el Estado limite la libertad. Sin estos mecanismos, señalan estos dos autores, el poder estatal necesariamente violará la esfera individual de libertad3.


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Bruns

AbstractWhat is it to be seen (naked) by one's cat? In “L'animal que donc je suis” (2006), the first of several lectures that he presented at a conference on the “autobiographical animal,” Jacques Derrida tells of his discomfort when, emerging from his shower one day, he found himself being looked at by his cat. Th experience leads him, by way of reflections on the question of the animal, to what is arguably the question of his philosophy: Who am I? It is not so much that Derrida wants to answer this question as to be free of it. His task here is to determine the sense of it— where it leads, for example, when it comes to the nature of the diff erence between himself and his cat. Unlike animal rights activists (and unlike philosophers Martha Nussbaum and Cora Diamond, who have recently addressed this issue), Derrida does not want to erase this difference but wants to multiply it in order (among other things) to affirm the absolute alterity or singularity of his cat, which cannot be subsumed by any category (such as the animal). His cat is an Other in a way that no human being (supposing there to be such a thing, which Derrida is not prepared to grant) could ever be. And here is where “the question who?” leads as well, namely, to a path of escape from absorption into any identity-machine. As Derrida puts it in A Taste for the Secret: Who am I when I am not one of you? In a hospitable world one would be free not to answer.


Philosophy ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Riley

John Stuart Mill (b. 1806–d. 1873) was a brilliant philosopher who also displayed a passion for justice and equal rights. He represents the British empiricist “school of experience” at its finest, a school that includes luminaries such as John Locke, David Hume, David Hartley, Jeremy Bentham, James Mill, and Alexander Bain. He was a naturalist who held that humans are to be understood as belonging to the natural order. He was also a phenomenalist, which has epistemological and metaphysical aspects. For him, human knowledge is confined to appearances; that is, occurrences, memories, and expectations of sensations: we have no means of knowing the real essence of things in themselves, which we may believe produce our sensations but lie hidden behind them. He was neither a metaphysical idealist nor a materialist: he makes the epistemic claim that humans cannot know whether a fundamental substrate is matter or spirit or both, but he never denies that it exists. Remaining agnostic about fundamental ontology, he endorses a “psychological” approach to metaphysics, according to which we can analyze how the human mind constructs complex mental states, including ideas, desires, emotions, and volitions, out of sensations on an a posteriori basis in accord with psychological laws, with the caveat that some mental phenomena may remain inexplicable. This psychological approach is admittedly compatible with George Berkeley’s idealism, but it is also compatible with a belief in the existence of matter defined as “permanent possibility of sensation,” where the permanent possibility exists independently of whether we are actually experiencing the sensations. We cannot know that the possibility necessarily exists, but we observe that it always does, and this supports an enumerative induction that a fundamental substrate lies behind our sensations, although we have no idea of its real nature. Mill goes on to construct a pluralistic liberal version of hedonistic utilitarianism in accord with his naturalism and phenomenalism. His argument that utilitarianism can support a system of strong liberal rights, including a distinctive right of absolute liberty for self-regarding conduct that does not cause any nonconsensual harm to others, which he considered a suitable extension of the right of religious liberty, continues to inspire interest, although most scholars are not convinced. He was also a prominent political economist, theorist of representative democracy, and radical feminist. But his defense of imperialism and of despotic government for barbarian populations now provokes outrage from modern critics, even if he had in mind a “tolerant imperialism” and a “self-abolishing” despotism designed to prepare the natives for self-government.


Author(s):  
Rodrigo Barbosa Gomes Benevides

Trata-se aqui de indicar que o Liberalismo Clássico, ao contrário da leitura usual, serve como quadro teórico para justificar intervenções estatais permanentes, seja em tempos de paz, seja em tempos de exceção. Posições como as de John Locke, John Stuart Mill, Thomas Paine e da Teoria Monetária Moderna mostram que a defesa da vida, da liberdade e da propriedade pressupõe um Estado atuante que, todavia, não entre em conflito com a preponderância do indivíduo no âmbito do jusnaturalismo. À luz da pandemia da Covid-19, o artigo pretende, portanto, elencar as razões pelas quais se deve advogar por uma ampliação do Estado de Bem-Estar Social ao se adotar medidas como a Renda Básica Universal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelisaveta Blagojević ◽  
Mirjana Stošić

U ovom tekstu biće reči o Blanšoovom (Maurice Blanchot) konceptu odnosa treće vrste i njegovim političkim implikacijama. Ove odnose ne karakteriše neko specifično svojstvo, već upravo odsustvo tih svojstava. Na taj način, autrui izmiče svim tradicionalnim dihotomijama karakterističnim za zapadnoevropsku tradiciju mišljenja: biće i ništavilo, subjekt i objekt, ja i drugi, prisustvo i odsustvo. Rečima Roberta Esposita (Roberto Esposito), Blanšoov autrui je možda najbolje definisati kao ono što je smešteno „na mestu ukrštanja na kom se jedno neprestano prevodi u drugo: ništavilo se prevodi u biće, prisustvo je ispražnjeno odsustvom, unutrašnjost se izliva u spoljašnjost“. Mišljenje i politika koji nisu oruđa moći, vlasti i održanja statusa quo čini se da su, danas više nego ikad, u rukama odnosa „treće vrste“, mesta na kojima se ukrštaju, prepliću i poništavaju pozicije subjekta i objekta, „nečasnih ljudi“, Lokovog (John Locke) papagaja, Deridine (Jacques Derrida) mačke, Nansijevih (Jean-Luc Nancy) „srca“, Melvilovog (Herman Melville) pisara Bartlbija i drugih. Jedino sa ovih mesta moguće je postaviti, toliko neophodna, drugačija pitanja – pitanja na koja su iz današnje perspektive odgovori još uvek nemislivi.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-44
Author(s):  
Adrian J. Reimers

One of the central principles of modern political philosophy, dating from the time of John Locke, is that of human rights. Locke characterized a right as something pertaining to the individual human being as free and equal to every other human being. To this notion of inherent rights, John Stuart Mill added that a right must be something in virtue of which a person can make a claim on another or on the state. Third, the modern notion of right presupposes the concept of dignity. In contemporary societies, we are witnessing an inflation of rights, which raises two questions: 1) are new rights truly being discovered, and 2) how can we discern the legitimacy of these rights? J. S. Mill’s utilitarianism holds the touchstone of good and evil to be individual happiness, and that over his own self the individual is sovereign. From this it follows that only the individual can know what is his own true good. Therefore, he ought to expect that society will support or at least not interfere with his own attainment of his good as he conceives it. Therefore “my” rights must encompass that “I” recognize to be my own needs. Others are responsible to grant to the sovereign individual those rights that he claims. From such a principle follows the rights to personal sexual satisfaction, suicide, and to marry another of one’s own sex without public disapproval. Paradoxically, this inflation of rights is supported also by the quasi-Marxist notion that different classes of persons are inevitably opposed to each other and that for their protection the prerogatives of different groups must be recognized as rights.To avoid and correct this inflation it is necessary to develop a richer anthropology to found the concept of human dignity and, consequently, rights. Following the example and thinking of Pope John Paul II, we propose a reexamination of Mill’s claim that a right necessarily entails some well-defined claim on another personor entity, and that a right is not so much a legal claim as a claim upon conscience.


Author(s):  
Jacques Derrida
Keyword(s):  

This chapter claims that deconstruction is hanging on by a prayer. Deconstruction is a way of hanging on by a prayer, a way of hanging on to a prayer. Amen is not the end of deconstruction's prayer but its beginning and sustaining middle, something that precedes and follows and constantly accompanies all its works and days. The chapter then describes how Jacques Derrida has said that one can be flexible on the point of putting deconstruction in a nutshell and occasionally interrupt or transgress the absolute prohibition against nutshells. As Derrida says in the “Roundtable,” “sometimes it is not a bad thing.”


Author(s):  
Ian Harris

The standard modern view of Locke portrays him as a simulacrum of John Stuart Mill or John Rawls. This chapter decisively shifts the terms in which Locke is understood away from this standard view. It shows that with Locke religious worship is neither private nor optional, and is a matter of duty rather than right primarily — a duty prescribed by natural law. Natural law led Locke to jurisdiction, and, more precisely, to two corresponding jurisdictions, the eccesiastical and civil. The different ends implied in these two jurisdictions and the different ways in which they were established made church and state free from each other's direction. Worship is not tolerated by the state, for the state has no jurisdiction over it; rather, it is free. Conversely the state is required to coerce religious or irreligious groups, whether Roman Catholics or atheists, who undermine the possibility of independent civil and ecclesiastical jurisdictions.


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