En attendant la suite… Le Parti québécois sur le front constitutionnel

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 57
Author(s):  
Patrick Taillon ◽  
Amélie Binette
Keyword(s):  
Parti Quebecois

From Bill 22 to Bill 101: The Politics of Language under the Parti Québécois

1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
William D. Coleman
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Politics Of Language ◽  
Parti Quebecois

Les deux grandes réformes linguistiques des années 1970 au Québec, la Loi des langues officielles de 1974 et la Charte de la langue française de 1977, sont issues de la Révolution tranquille. Ces deux lois ont pour origine l'idée que la société francophone doit jouer son rôle dans l'économie nord-américaine et que tous les groupes culturels du Québec doivent être harmonisés. Ces deux lois tentent aussi de remédier à la crise démographique des années 1960, au déclin de la culture traditionnelle canadienne-française, à l'arrivée massive de diplômés en commerce et en génie dans les années 1970. Cependant, malgré leurs points communs, ces deux lois ont été promulguées par deux gouvernements différents basées sur des clientèles elles aussi différentes.Le présent article compare les remèdes proposés par le Parti québécois aux problèmes linguistiques à ceux du Parti libéral du Québec. L'évolution de l'attitude du Parti québécois se révèle assez complexe, allant du radicalisme de la Loi l, première version de la Charte, pour aboutir à la version plus modérée de la Loi 101. Au bout du compte, en ce qui concerne l'administration publique et l'éducation, le Parti québécois a considérablement amplifié les dispositions prises par le Parti libéral, alors qu'en ce qui concerne le monde des affaires les changements ont été rares et secondaires. Il en résulte que la société francophone du Québec a nettement placé sous sa houlette les autres groupes culturels de la province, mais que son emprise sur les hautes sphères des affaires est faible.

scholarly journals Uncovering dress policy in Québec

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krista Raymer
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Key Terms ◽  
Parti Quebecois

By contrast with Canada, the provincial government of Québec has struggled to identify and articulate a "national" identity. The separatist Parti Québécois proposed the Charter of Values in 2013 in order to strengthen provincial claims to nationalism. Legislation within the charter potentially alters the appearances of the populace by defining acceptable forms of dress in a range of public spaces. It raises troubling questions concerning the role dress plays in the bodily display of values and creation of national identity. Through a biopolitical approach, it is evident the Charter of Values is designed to eliminate the presence of hair and facial covering practices in public space. The policy prioritizes the pure laine identity, while marking those bodies dressed in a way that reference non francophone traditions and cultures as threatening to the security and cultural values of Québec. The critique of the proposed legislation exposes the role public policy plays in creating, maintaining, and perpetuating dressed identities in public space. The Charter of Values has and will continue to stigmatize those citizens who communicate non- pure laine identities through dress. Key Terms: Dress, Public Space, Public Policy, Charter of Values , Québec, Biopolitics, Multiculturalism

scholarly journals Les contraintes du milieu et la gestion de la politique étrangère canadienne de 1976 à 1978

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-349
Author(s):  
John Kirton
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Planning Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Early Years ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Foreign Service ◽  
Global Problems ◽  
Parti Quebecois

The direction and pace of efforts to co-ordinate the foreign policy making process within the executive branch of middle-size states may depend on subtle but cumulatively important shiefs in domestic and external environments. The experience of the Canadian government from 1976 to 1978 suggests the effects which four types of environmental change can have. The approach of a federal election was accompanied by a reduced emphasis on the formal procedures of the structured cabinet committee System instituted in the early years of the first Trudeau government. An increased threat to national unity, as registered in the November 1976 election of a Parti Québécois majority provincial government, concentrated decisional activity at the very centre of government, and had only indirect effects on the formal foreign policy planning process. Concern with persistent economic dilemmas, registered most clearly in the imposition of an expenditure restraint programme in August 1978, directly increased the use of the budgetary process and prompted moves toward foreign service integration. And the intensification of a decline in tension in relations with the United States, and the accompanying emergence of new global problems, led, in turn, to a transfer of dynamic, creative co-ordinatively-oriented leadership into the Department of External Affairs, a reorganization of the Department, and a strong stress on re-orienting its role toward that of a modem central policy agency.

Vers des primaires ouvertes : des partis en quête de légitimité populaire. Les cas du PQ et du PLC

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Montigny ◽  
Charles Tessier
Keyword(s):  
Parti Quebecois

Les débats entourant le processus de sélection des candidats constituent une réponse au déclin du militantisme. L’ouverture du système de sélection des candidats à la chefferie pourrait d’ailleurs s’expliquer au Canada et au Québec par une recherche de légitimité, plus que par une démocratisation interne des partis. Les cas du Parti libéral du Canada et du Parti québécois sont étudiés dans cette perspective et sont utiles pour identifier les conditions qui favorisent l’adoption d’un processus de primaire ouverte.

Unresolved Ambiguity: Quebec After the Election of 1998

1999 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Meisel
Keyword(s):  
Formal Logic ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Political Opinion ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Parti Quebecois ◽  
As If

PSEPHOLOGY – THE ART OF STUDYING ELECTIONS – HAS COME TEN thousand leagues since R.B.McCallum applied the term in the 1940s to his pioneering analyses of British elections and political opinion in the first of the now classic Nuffield studies. Putting the electors under a magnifying glass has ranged from examining them by means of formal logic and sophisticated mathematical procedures, to anecdotal accounts of the process through which democracies choose their governments. In this article, I seek to situate a particular contest – the 1998 Quebec provincial election – into the general political landscape.The result of the balloting was that the reigning sovereigntist Parti Québécois (PQ) was returned to power under a first-past-thepost system with a resounding majority of seats but with fewer votes than the opposition federalist Parti Liberal du Québec (PLQ). As if that paradox were not enough, polls demonstrated without a smidgen of doubt that although the voters returned a government committed to holding a referendum on the sovereignty of Quebec, a significant majority did not wish a referendum to be held within the foreseeable future. Majorities of both francophone and anglophone electors opposed a direct consultation on Quebec's status in the federation.

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