scholarly journals Challenging Catholic School Resistance to GSAs with a Revised Conception of Scandal and a Critique of Perceived Threat

Paideusis ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
Graham P. McDonough

Educational leaders in Ontario’s publicly-funded Catholic schools typically resist establishing Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs) on grounds that they contradict Catholic moral teaching and so cause scandal in the school. While the protection of GSAs in these schools is derived from recent provincial legislation, the government intervention has the potential to exacerbate religious-secular tensions in the school and society. This paper assumes that, in the Catholic Church’s current political climate, the only justifications for GSAs that will gain genuine traction and possibly deflate this tension descend from within Catholicism’s own tradition of thought and educational practice. The first part of the argument critiques the Catholic hierarchy’s traditional, narrow conception of scandal, and replaces it with a revised, broader conception from within Catholic theology in which the traditional marginalization of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered, queer, and questioning (LGBTQ) students is the true scandal. These two frameworks are used to analyze inconsistencies between the resistance Catholic schools show toward LGBTQ students wanting to establish GSAs, and the welcoming attitude they display toward pregnant and parenting students. The second part of the argument reveals that the main reason for this difference is that Church officials perceive all LGBTQ organizations as threats to their authority, and this perception is extended to GSAs. This internal critique provides sufficient reason to reverse the current negative Catholic evaluations of GSAs.

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Ilya Leonidovich Morozov

‘Red Army Fraction’ is a youth extremist left-wing terror group that was active in the 1970–1980s on the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany. The terror group and its ideology originated mostly in Western German university circles. Most representatives of the group were descendants from wealthy families of high social standing. The ideology of the group included a mix of concepts related to social equity, preventing autocratic tendencies in the government machinery and interventions of Western countries against developing ‘third world’ countries and peoples. State security system of West Germany was unable to suppress the terror group for over two decades. The group finally announced its voluntary dissolution in 1998 due to a dramatic change in socio-political climate and general crisis of the left-wing political ideology. The growth of oppositional sentiments among present-day Russian young people is partially similar to the students’ unrest that had place in Western Europe in the 1960s and gave rise to terrorist groups. This makes the study of West Germany’s experience in countering the threat important.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 807
Author(s):  
Richard Rymarz

This paper addresses some conceptual options for Catholic education in a particular cultural context. This context is where the Catholic school system is large, stable, and well established but in the wider cultural context, the place of religion in society is detraditionalized. This detraditionalization is reflected in Catholic school enrolments where increasing numbers of students come from non-Catholic backgrounds, where, amongst Catholics, engagement with traditional structures is low or where there is no religious association at all. To initiate discussion a simple dichotomy is introduced; do Catholic schools promote religious identity or do they address a wider demographic by stressing harmonized common values and policies? To elaborate on this initial position several conceptual perspectives are offered. A key discussion point centres around the human community of Catholic schools and how they align with the various options that are proposed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-115
Author(s):  
Aloysius Iryanto ◽  
Don Bosco Karnan Ardijanto

The Sacrament of Baptism and of Confirmation urge the faithful to participate in the mission of the Church. One of various realizations of the Church’s mission is running the Catholic Schools.  In other words, all members of a Catholic school: teachers, employees, students, foundations or parents, are called and sent to be involved in the mission of the Church. One of the fruits of carrying out Church missionary duties in Catholic schools is baptism. In 2012-2016 the number of baptisms in the Catholic High Schools in the city of Madiun was 15 people. Starting from the above, several questions can be asked as the starting point of this research: 1) What is the Church’s mission? 2) What is the Church’s mission according to the Catholoc religious educators? 3) How do the Catholic religious educators implement the Church’s mission in the Catholic Senior High Schools in Madiun city? This study aims: describing the understanding of the Church’s mission, to analyze the understanding of Religious Educators on the Church’s mission and to analyze how the religious educators to realize the Church’s mission in the Catholic Senior High Schools in the Madiun city. To achieve these objectives, researcher used qualitative research methods with interview techniques. The respondents of this study were religious educators in four Catholic Senior High Schools in Madiun. The results of the study show that: 1) The Religious Educators know the understanding of the Church’s mission. 2) All faithful are responsible to participate in the Church’s mission. 3) The Religious Educators had to be responsible and to involve in the Church’s mission in Catholic Senior High Schools. 4) The Religious Educators had already done and implemented the Church’s mission in their schools. In fact, there were some difficulties come from extern or intern of the schools.


Author(s):  
Kamarulnizam Abdullah ◽  
Ridzuan Abdul Aziz

Threats posed by the current religiously inspired terrorist groups leave Malaysia with no choice but to adapt to new strategies and approaches. Not only the threats have become more global in terms of networking and influences, but also the use of Islam to justify their attacks produces great challenges to the country and its security enforcement apparatus. At the macro level, Malaysia’s promotion on moderation and wasatiyah, as part of its counterterrorism campaign has been widely accepted by the international community. At home, the campaign of winning heart and mind continues to become an essential strategy of the government. Malaysia’s success in countering major terror threats since independence has also been credited to the role played by the police’s Special Branch (SB) Unit and the existence of preventive laws. Yet when those preventive laws were repealed, amid changing political climate and democracy in the country, the enforcement authorities particularly the police’s Special Branch are forced to re-strategize their intelligence gatherings and to learn vigorously the legal process. They are forced to be equipped with higher legal knowledge since the new laws required reasonable evidence to be presented during the trial, failure which could have be resulted in a dismissal of the charges. At the same time, the force is also upgrading its tactical skills and surveillance technology given the current terrorists’ adaptive capability with a loosely connected decentralized network.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-100
Author(s):  
Anastasia Felcher

Abstract Efforts to commemorate the victims of the 1903 Chişinǎu (Kishinev) pogrom and the Holocaust in Bessarabia and Transnistria have achieved varying degrees of success in the Republic of Moldova. Gaining public recognition for these experiences has proven a convoluted process. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the local Community has led an enduring memorialization campaign, which has steadily evolved with the shifting political climate. Though Community representatives have at times had a fraught relationship with Moldovan officials, they have continuously sought official acknowledgment of their efforts. This article analyzes how both the government and the Jewish Community have handled memory in public spaces and the local media of Chişinǎu.


2006 ◽  
Vol 62 (04) ◽  
pp. 533-562 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Espinosa

In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society. By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.


2019 ◽  
pp. 47-72

This study explores anew the issue of providing special education in Catholic schools by viewing the ethical implications from a liberatory hermeneutic. By utilizing an interdisciplinary perspective, the research draws upon liberation theology, liberation psychology, liberation pedagogy, and liberation ethics to support the moral mandate for providing education for all God’s children, including those persons with disabilities. The study challenges Catholic educational leaders to reimagine their positions on how schools might promote a more inclusive, liberatory approach to serving the special needs of children with disabilities. Finally, this research provides a Catholic, liberatory, ethical framework for inclusive Catholic education to assist school leaders in the development of appropriate pedagogy and programming to address the issue of inclusion of students with disabilities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Rita O. Banusing ◽  
Joel M. Bual

Catholic education is linked to the Church's evangelical mission. However, Catholic schools are confronted with the deterioration of values, teacher turnover, and decline in enrolment, posing threats to their mission and operation (Catholic Educational Association of the Philippines [CEAP], 2016). Hence, this assessed the quality of Catholic education of Antique diocesan schools using the Philippine Catholic Schools Standards (PCSS). Further, it identified areas for continuous improvement in the Catholic school operation. It also correlated the respondents’ age, sex, length of service, and designation with the quality assessment. With the descriptive-correlational design, the 120 school personnel responded through a standardized PCSS questionnaire. Generally, the assessment was rated “fully meets benchmark” with Catholic identity and mission as the highest and operational vitality as the lowest. The correlation showed no relationship between the age, sex, and length of service with the quality assessment while little if any relationship with the designation. Accordingly, the quality of Catholic education is attained through continuous adherence to the standards. With this, stakeholders’ collaboration is necessary.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paki Manukau

<p><b>Policy that affects Māori is not new. It has existed since the first Europeans arrived in New Zealand. Some have been created where Māori are external to its development. Some have been developed based on engagement with Māori but have been influenced by a Eurocentric perspective. Yet others have been developed by Māori for Māori.</b></p> <p>This thesis presents some of the historical, social, and economic factors that have influenced the need for government and non-government organisations to develop policies that are more responsive to the needs and aspirations of Māori. It will also demonstrate that despite a myriad of policy, legislative, and strategic changes that have progressively shifted towards responsiveness to Māori, not much has been achieved statistically, highlighting a need for policies that are significantly different from that which has already been tried. In the current political climate, we find ourselves in an exciting time where the government is endorsing a more Māori worldview philosophy. One that acknowledges that previous policy, legislative and strategic change, has only been minimally effective. Moreover, one that understands that it is imperative to the wellbeing of Māori and, by extension, the social development of New Zealand to develop new policies that will make a significant and lasting positive change for Māori.</p> <p>This thesis aims to understand why organisations find it necessary to develop Māori responsive policies and how Māori policy is formulated and implemented in the current political climate. The associated aims are to identify commonalities and best practices in the development of Māori policy and understand what Māori policymaking involves.</p> <p>This thesis will analyse two examples of Māori policy development and implementation: one from a government agency, the Ministry of Social Development (MSD) and one from a non-governmental organisation, WellStop. MSD and WellStop have proposed to move beyond the perfunctory use of tīkanga and te reo Māori within their organisations and embark on a journey of engagement to embed a Māori worldview, values and processes across the whole of their organisations from leadership to frontline. For MSD, which is one of the largest government organisations in New Zealand, this is no small feat, and WellStop, while it is a smaller organisation, is an industry leader for their sector in combating harmful sexual behaviour.</p> <p>What underpins the process of developing their Māori responsive policies is vitally important. With this in mind, this thesis includes first-hand accounts from Hohepa Patea, the Principal Māori Advisor for MSD, and Mark King, the Chief Executive Officer for WellStop. Their contribution to this thesis has revealed many commonalities in the development of the Māori policies for both organisations.</p> <p>The findings show that while MSD has been influenced to develop policies that are responsive to Māori due to governmental aspirations to address Māori social and economic conditions reflected in negative statistics, WellStop is influenced by the parameters set by the expectations of government organisations, the standards set by Level 2 accreditation (Ministry of Social Development, 2020 (a)), and professional registration bodies (Social Workers Registration Board, n.d. (1); New Zealand Association of Counsellors - Te Roopu Kaiwhiriwhiri o Aotearoa, n.d. (3)). I will elaborate on the similarities in the stages of development in each organisations’ policies: the use of whakataukī and karakia, whose inspirational words anchor their policies in mātauranga Māori; the establishment of strong Māori leadership, knowledgeable in mātauranga Māori and tīkanga to ensure the policies’ cultural efficacy and to drive the mauri of the policies from the top down; researching each organisations’ previous and current policies that pertain to Māori to understand the past and develop more effective policies; and finally, the merit of utilising tīkanga processes when engaging with Māori staff, whānau, hapū and iwi.</p> <p>What cannot be denied is the influence of Hohepa and Mark’s background knowledge of mātauranga Māori and their heart and drive to see their organisations operate from a Te Ao Māori perspective. Regardless of other influences, they intend to make spaces and places better for Māori whānau who access their services. Hohepa and Mark are clear that embedding a Māori worldview and values across their organisations is the primary focus. One of the most crucial common denominators in both organisations’ policies is a clear understanding of the importance of keeping people front of mind to ensure that the policies are developed with a powerful sense of manaakitanga and kaitiakitanga.</p> <p>He aha te mea nui i tenei Āo? Māku e kī atu.</p> <p>He tangata! He tangata! He tangata!Nā Meri Ngāroto</p>


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