Les dernières vendanges sur la vie de Trudeau. Ramsay Cook, The Teeth of Time. Remembering Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Montréal, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2006, 224 p. Bruce W. Powe, Mystic Trudeau. The Fire and the Rose, Toronto, Thomas Allen, 2007, 274 p. Robert Wright, Three Nights in Havana : Pierre Trudeau, Fidel Castro and the Cold War World, Toronto, Harper Collins, 2007, 306 p John English, Trudeau : citoyen du monde. Tome 1 – 1919-1968, Montréal, Les Éditions de l’Homme, 2006, 542 p. Max et Monique Nemni, Trudeau : fils du Québec, père du Canada. Tome 1 – Les années de jeunesse : 1919-1944, Montréal, Les Éditions de l’Homme, 2006, 446 p.

2008 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 343
Author(s):  
Stephen Clarkson
2021 ◽  
pp. 147-184
Author(s):  
Gerry Simpson

This chapter reconstructs, in a descriptive and aspirational mode, lawful friendship through an encounter between the literary figure of ‘the friend’ and an international law of friendly and unfriendly relations. It begins with a gesture of elegiac friendship before locating friendship in an international law of enemies, criminals, pirates and neutrals. It finishes by elaborating a politics of international legal friendship and makes a plea for a tentative, careful friendliness suggested by friendships found in Montaigne, Nietzsche and Derrida, and in three moments of friendship set in the Cold War: one literary (the depiction of friendship in John Adams’ opera, Nixon in China), one an unlikely performance of anti-imperial friendly relations (the friendship between Nehru and Tito, begun in Belgrade) and one epistolary (a letter sent by Nikita Khrushchev to Fidel Castro in the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis). Each represents in its rudimentary way a ‘lawful friendship’, a declaration on friendly relations.


Author(s):  
Michael Poznansky

This chapter explores one of the most infamous episodes of covert action during the Cold War: The Bay of Pigs. The operation, which was authorized by Dwight Eisenhower in March of 1960 and carried out by John F. Kennedy in mid-April of the following year, involved training and arming Cuban exiles with the aim of overthrowing Fidel Castro. America’s hand was not supposed to show. In the end, the mission was a failure. Consistent with the book’s argument, the evidence shows that decision makers were reluctant to openly violate the nonintervention principle by pursuing overt action against Fidel Castro. As a result, they opted for a covert operation they knew was less likely to succeed to avoid undermining America’s moral authority and to protect the credibility of its commitments. Decision makers were also willing to act overtly if a legal exemption to nonintervention materialized.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-82
Author(s):  
Albert Poliquen Mbiatem

This study examines Fidel Castro’s leadership emergence and style in Cuba with reference to the situation, goals sought, leadership process and the outcomes.  The emergence of Fidel Castro was underpinned by the qualities he exhibited and significant popular support he enjoyed from different strata of the society. Transforming a pre-revolutionary corrupt, oppressive and discriminatory system by creating equal opportunities for everyone was the main objective of Fidel Castro’s led revolution in Cuba. Despite some efforts toward societal transformation, Cubans were divided over the achievements of the revolution. While some expressed positive views about Fidel Castro’s initiated socialism, others described it as a source of frustration.  Findings reveal that the level of leadership effectiveness under Fidel Castro was largely attained through a variety of styles used to address different situations. The resilient abilities Fidel Castro shared with followers could enable socialist Cuba survive the Cold War and the post-Cold War eras.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
James G. Hershberg

Though virtually ignored in the historiography, Brazil played an intriguing role in the politics and diplomacy of the Cuban missile crisis and in U.S. Cuban relations during the Kennedy administration. In the years after Fidel Castro took power, successive Brazilian governments tried secretly to mediate between Washington and Havana as their mutual confrontation intensified. Newly available U.S., Brazilian, Cuban, and other sources reveal that this role climaxed during the missile crisis, as John F. Kennedy clandestinely sought to employ Brazil to transmit a message to Castro. In turn, Brazil, which was also promoting a Latin American denuclearization scheme at the United Nations as a possible means of resolving the crisis, sought to broker a formula for U.S. Cuban reconciliation that would heighten the prestige of its own “independent”policy in the Cold War. Ultimately, these efforts failed, but they shed light on previously hidden aspects of both the missile crisis and the triangular U.S. Cuban-Brazilian relationship. This is the concluding part of a two-part article.


Author(s):  
Michael J. Bustamante

The Cuban Revolution transformed the largest island nation of the Caribbean into a flashpoint of the Cold War. After overthrowing US-backed ruler Fulgencio Batista in early 1959, Fidel Castro established a socialist, anti-imperialist government that defied the island’s history as a dependent and dependable ally of the United States. But the Cuban Revolution is not only significant for its challenge to US interests and foreign policy prerogatives. For Cubans, it fundamentally reordered their lives, inspiring multitudes yet also driving thousands of others to migrate to Miami and other points north. Sixty years later, Fidel Castro may be dead and the Soviet Union may be long gone. Cuban socialism has become more hybrid in economic structure, and in 2014 the Cuban and US governments moved to restore diplomatic ties. But Cuba’s leaders continue to insist that “the Revolution,” far from a terminal political event, is still alive. Today, as the founding generation of Cuban leaders passes from the scene, “the Revolution” faces another important crossroads of uncertainty and reform.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
James G. Hershberg

Though virtually ignored in the historiography, Brazil played an intriguing role in the politics and diplomacy of the Cuban missile crisis and in U.S. Cuban relations during the Kennedy administration. In the years after Fidel Castro took power, successive Brazilian governments tried secretly to mediate between the United States and Cuba as the two countries' mutual confrontation intensified. Newly available U.S., Brazilian, Cuban, and other sources reveal that this role climaxed during the missile crisis, as John F. Kennedy clandestinely sought to employ Brazil to transmit a message to Castro. In turn, Brazil, which was also promoting a Latin American denuclearization scheme at the United Nations as a possible method to resolve the crisis, sought to broker a formula for U.S. Cuban reconciliation that would heighten the prestige of its own “independent” policy in the Cold War. Ultimately, these efforts failed, but they shed light on previously hidden aspects of both the missile crisis and the triangular U.S. Cuban—Brazilian relationship. Thefirst part of this two—part article sets the scene for an in—depth look at the Cuban missile crisis, which will be covered in Part 2 of the article in the next issue of the journal.


Author(s):  
Donald Wright

The border between America and Canada is both physical and psychological. ‘Borders’ looks at the challenges of being a middle power next to an imperial power, described by Pierre Trudeau as a ‘sleeping elephant’. After a short war in 1812, the relationship has been one of cooperation. Crises like the Cold War and 9/11 required a diplomatic approach from Canada. Only rarely—as in the Suez Crisis of 1956—did Canada play a role on the global diplomatic stage. While peacekeeping is important to Canada’s establishment as a world power, some involvement with the USA in war and considerable involvement in trade is seen as vital.


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