scholarly journals “We Speak English”

Ethnologies ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriele Marranci

Abstract Language is an important identity marker and is often a symbol of immigrants’ resistance to assimilation within the host societies. Indeed, by speaking their own languages, immigrants in Europe develop their transnational identities and set up defensive boundaries against possible cultural homogenisations. This is particularly relevant for Muslim immigrants, since Arabic is both an identity and a religious symbol. In many European mosques, Muslims consider Arabic as the only acceptable language. In particular the khutbat [Friday sermon] should be written and read in Arabic. In contrast, Muslims in Northern Ireland, who have developed their ummah [community of believers] in the only mosque and cultural centre they have (located in the Northern Ireland’s capital, Belfast), have selected English as their main community language. In this article, the author analyzes the reasons that have brought this Muslim community to use English as a complex metaphor of their peculiar social-cultural position within Northern Irish society.

Significance The controversial celebration of King William III's victory against the Irish at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690 is a stark reminder of the divisions that still exist in Northern Irish society and could erupt once again in the context of Brexit. All sides are thus keen to ensure that the hardening of the border does not lead to a widening division between the United Kingdom and Ireland, and, in turn, between UK unionism and Irish nationalism within Northern Ireland. Impacts Programmes operating across the border, especially those funded by the EU, are at risk of profound disruption. Increasing unemployment or declining public services could exacerbate the risk of resurgent criminal activity. Continued uncertainty around Brexit could prompt some businesses to move pre-emptively to the jurisdiction of Ireland (and thus the EU). Criminal groups could profit from illicit trade and duty evasion when the border returns to being a customs frontier.


2021 ◽  
pp. 269-318
Author(s):  
James Waller

The risk factors discussed in the previous three chapters are a creeping, erosive rot that continue to undermine the structural integrity and stability of Northern Irish society. If left unaddressed, they can drag this deeply divided “post-conflict” society back into the abyss of violent conflict. There are a range of internal and external accelerants, some of which could metastasize into triggers, that further threaten the stability of peace in contemporary Northern Ireland and increase the risk of violent conflict. Among these are (1) acute economic deterioration, (2) outbreaks of limited paramilitary violence, and (3) a vote on a united Ireland. These three accelerants are cross-cutting and intersecting. In the context of these accelerants further undermining the structural integrity and stability of Northern Irish society, there are a soberingly wide range of triggering factors that can make the return of violent conflict in contemporary Northern Ireland likely or imminent.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Anna Maria Zaluczkowska

This research explores the role of the writer in interactive transmedia production through a research project that has been primarily designed to take place within contemporary Northern Ireland. Red Branch Heroes was created, in association with Bellyfeel Productions1, as a prototype for a more extensive fictional interactive web series that will be known as The Eleven. The author developed a game-like scenario where, through their play, the audience influenced and developed character and story elements. The research asks if interactive forms such as transmedia offer any new storytelling potentials to the people of Northern Ireland and how such projects can contribute to debates about e-politics and e-democracy in post-conflict societies. Evidence is presented in this article to suggest that the ‘negotiated narratives' formulated in this prototype offer further creative community-building possibilities, in neutral spaces that can facilitate discourses about the future.


Author(s):  
Eneko COMPAINS SILVA

LABURPENA: Idazlan honen helburua Brexit-ak Ipar Irlandan uzten duen eskenatokiaren azterketa egitea da, aintzat hartuta Brexit-a Ipar Irlandako herritarren gehiengoaren aurka gauzatuko dela. Horretarako, lehenik, lurralde honek egun duen estatus juridiko-politikoaren azalpena egingo da. Bigarrenik, Brexit-aren ondorio juridiko-konstituzionalen azalpena egingo da, bereziki erreparatuz Ipar Irlandak hura frenatu edota baldintzatzeko dituen tresnei. Hirugarrenik, azken hauteskundeen ondotik geratu den eskenatoki politikoaren azalpena egingo da; eta azkenik, ondorio moduan, etorkizunari begirako aukerak aztertuko dira. ¿Brexit-ak Irlandaren batasunera hurbiltzen gaitu? ¿Erreferendumik egongo da? RESUMEN: El presente trabajo analiza el incierto escenario que deja en Irlanda del Norte el Brexit, que cuenta con el rechazo de la mayoría ciudadana norirlandesa. Para ello, se explicará primeramente cuál es el estatus jurídico-político que tiene Irlanda del Norte a día de hoy. En segundo lugar, se explicarán las implicaciones jurídico-constitucionales del Brexit así como las herramientas legales que tiene Irlanda del Norte para frenarlo o condicionarlo. En tercer lugar, se analizará el escenario político que queda en la isla tras las últimas elecciones; y en cuarto y último lugar, a modo de conclusión, se analizarán las opciones de futuro. ¿Nos acerca el Brexit a la unidad de Irlanda? ¿Habrá referéndum? ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to analyze the uncertain scenario that Brexit, which is rejected by a majority of the Northern-Irish society, leaves in Northern Ireland. With this purpose, we first explain the legal-political status of Northern Ireland nowadays. Secondly, we explain the legal and constitutional implications of the Brexit as well as the legal tools that Northern Ireland has to curb or condition it. Thirdly, we analyze the political scenario that remains on this devolved region after the last elections; and finally, we analyze future options. Are we approaching the unity of Ireland? Will there be a referendum?


2000 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Brogden

This paper challenges common portrayals of Northern Ireland as a low-crime society. Such portrayals are often based on victim surveys and other positivist criminological approaches. The paper proposes that much criminality may he concealed by social and political characteristics of northern Irish society. These characteristics mean that current frameworks for measuring crime, such as victim surveys or police reports, are inappropriate as are comparisons of the north of Ireland with other societies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-53
Author(s):  
Karine Bigand

This article deals with the roles given to and taken by museums in addressing the legacy of conflict and contributing to reconciliation in Northern Irish society. It analyses the reasons for, relevance and feasibility of the role given to museums in good relations policies as well as the direction defined and changes entailed by the 2011 Museums Policy for Northern Ireland. Using several examples throughout Northern Ireland, it assesses to what extent the official recommendations have been integrated in museums’ mission statements, outreach services, exhibitions programmes and educational provisions, thereby outlining good practices and limitations found in the sector.


2020 ◽  
pp. 101269022097971
Author(s):  
John Bell ◽  
Paul Bell

This paper draws upon digital recordings of Northern Ireland football fans singing in the stadium during all 10 qualifying matches for the 2016 UEFA European Football Championship. Supplemented by participant observation and interview data with 21 supporters themselves, the paper challenges assertions within the literature which focus upon the predominance of sectarian singing amongst a section of Northern Ireland football supporters. Although vocal manifestations of football fandom may initially appear to be randomly driven by irrational emotions, on the contrary, there is an underlying structure and sequence to fandom in the stadium in which certain factors promote collective singing at particular times. The paper identifies four key themes in particular: the timing in a match; whether or not a goal has been scored; if there is a lull or a break in play; and the use of musical instruments to encourage the wider collective to sing. We argue that it is important to understand the process by which collective singing occurs in the football stadium rather than fixating upon the alleged racist or sectarian psychopathology of the individuals involved. Such knowledge may assist in supporting those fan organisations that seek to challenge discriminatory behaviour in the stadium, particularly in the current context of the European (UEFA) and World football governing bodies (FIFA) punishing fans collectively, regardless of whether or not the majority in the stadium are opposed to what is being sung in their name.


Author(s):  
Hiroko Mikami

During the three decades of the Troubles of Northern Ireland (1969-1998), a remarkable amount of plays about the Troubles was written and almost of them, it seems, had been ‘monopolised’ by (Northern) Irish playwrights. Recently, however, certain changes about this monopoly have been witnessed and those who do not claim themselves as Irish descendants have begun to choose the Northern Troubles as their themes. Also, there have been growing concerns about violence worldwide since 9.11. This article deals with two plays, Richard Bean’s The Big Fellah and Jez Butterworth’s The Ferryman, neither of which was written by an Irish playwright and examines whether and to what extent it is possible to say that they can transcend regional boundaries and become part of global memories in the context of the post-Good Friday Agreement and the post 9.11.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1131-1154 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIMON TOPPING

This article will examine the ways in which the people of Northern Ireland and African American troops stationed there during the Second World War reacted to each other. It will also consider the effect of institutional racism in the American military on this relationship, concluding that, for the most part, the population welcomed black soldiers and refused to endorse American racial attitudes or enforce Jim Crow segregation. This piece argues that, bearing in mind the latent racism of the time, the response of the Northern Irish to African Americans was essentially colour-blind, and this was true in both the Protestant and Catholic communities.


Significance The differing perspectives of unionists and nationalists on the creation of Northern Ireland as a political entity within the United Kingdom, together with Brexit and tensions over the Northern Ireland Protocol (NIP), have brought the contentious issue of Irish reunification onto the political agenda in Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. Impacts Scottish independence would likely increase momentum for a referendum on Irish unity. Successful implementation of the NIP, giving firms access to EU and UK markets, may support arguments for maintaining the status quo. If the UK government abandons the NIP, the adverse trade impact on Northern Irish firms could increase support for unification.


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