scholarly journals Histoire universelle et comparaison à la fin du XVIIIe siècle en Allemagne

Eurostudia ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 0 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre Escudier

RésuméLes développements de cet article n’ont pour ambition que de proposer un contre point d’histoire des sciences humaines aux débats contemporains sur le comparatisme à l’échelle globale. Nous nous bornerons à esquisser ce que nous croyons être le contexte d’émergence, les fonctions et les différents usages du genre omniprésent de l’histoire universelle dans le dernier tiers du XVIIIesiècle dans le Saint Empire romain germanique. Par contraste avec les pratiques théoriques et historiographiques contemporaines, ce tableau permettra tout au mieux de repérer continuités et discontinuités d’argumentation ; il permettra aussi peut-être de relativiser quelque peu les fausses généalogies méthodologiques ou encore les mérites parfois davantage supposés que démontrés de l’Universalhistoriedes Lumières allemandes.

1972 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 473-482
Author(s):  
Jacques Solé

Michel Foucault nous a appris, entre autres choses, le caractère arbitraire, factice, précaire mais aussi parfaitement coordonné, homogène, autonome de ces systèmes de représentation qu'on été, aux temps modernes, les sciences dites aujourd'hui humaines. Curieusement, ce philosophe, mieux cet historien, a négligé de parler de l'histoire ou du moins de sa préhistoire. L'oubli est d'autant plus regrettable que l'étude de l'historiographie n'a guère intéressé les historiens français en ce siècle. Elle a, on le sait, passionné nos voisins italiens et allemands. Mais nous n'avons pas encore traduit (ou si peu) Croce ou Meinecke.


Moreana ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 10 (Number 38) (2) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Jean-Claude Margolin
Keyword(s):  

Moreana ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 18 (Number 70) (2) ◽  
pp. 53-54
Author(s):  
Jacques Gury

Gesnerus ◽  
2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
Séverine Pilloud ◽  
Stefan Hächler ◽  
Vincent Barras
Keyword(s):  

2013 ◽  
pp. 40-47
Author(s):  
Geneviève Di Rosa

In the 18th century, the Bible felt the full force of criticism by radical Enlightenment thinkers who read it piece by piece and denounced the process of its creation as an imposture – thus extending the break initiated by moral and historical critiques of the previous century. In doing so, they nevertheless failed to grant it the literary status of a “profane work”. Yet, Rousseau, who produced a literary rewriting of the Book of Judges with his Levite of Ephraim, pondered over the violence inflicted on biblical intertextuality during his exile in Môtiers: in his Letters Written from the Mountain, he compared it to the violence caused to his own literary works. By draw-ing this parallel, he opened a reflection on the different manners of reading a text, as well as the possibility of regulating the reader’s violence through proposing an ethics of literary reception. Analogy might not work as a substitute; however, it enabled Rousseau to go beyond the mistreatment which anti-philosophers or philosophers inflicted on his works, by giving, among other things, an autobiographical orienta-tion to his writing: one in which the author is ready to take responsibility for giving himself to the reader. The ambivalence of the sacred and the profane, the perception of a common essence of religion – defined either by sacrifice or gift – were thus what helped Rousseau invent the autobiographical pact.


2015 ◽  
pp. 23-32
Author(s):  
Nadège Langbour

In the 18th century, the paintings of Greuze had much success. The literature took against these paintings. It transposed them in narrative texts. Diderot and Aubert, described paintings of Greuze by using the literary kind of the moral tale. Thus, they respected moral spirit of the painting of Greuze. But when paintings of Greuze were transposed in the novels, this moral spirit had been perverted : the novels respected stating of Greuze, but they used it to produce a different statement.


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