scholarly journals Faith in the Just Behavior of the Government: Intergroup Apologies and Apology Elaboration

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 268-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel R. Steele ◽  
Craig W. Blatz

After intergroup injustices, perpetrator groups may seek to restore intergroup relations by offering an apology. Through quantitative empirical tests some scholars have examined whether these apologies promote forgiveness and reconciliation. This work has found inconsistent relations between apology and forgiveness. We proposed and tested other variables as relevant outcomes of intergroup apology as well, namely perceived remorsefulness, faith in societal norms of justice, and trust. We also tested how the elaborateness of an apology changed its effectiveness. The study (N = 145) presented excerpts of President Clinton’s apology for the Tuskegee Syphilis Study to African-Americans, varying the apology elaborateness. We examined whether apologies of varying elaborateness affect forgiveness (to be consistent with past research), perceptions that the response was remorseful, beliefs that norms of just behavior would be upheld, and trust in the perpetrator group. All apologies, but particularly more elaborate apologies, resulted in higher perceptions of remorsefulness and justice norms, but not trust or forgiveness. The results imply that apologies may have many benefits with perceptions of remorsefulness and justice norms being amongst them.

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292097691
Author(s):  
Joe Clare ◽  
Vesna Danilovic

What factors influence third parties to intervene in civil wars? Our focus on major powers, which are disproportionately more likely than other states to intervene in civil conflicts, directs us to the factors that uniquely shape their interests. While our study does not rule out humanitarian interventions by collective security international institutions and individual states, we do not find that humanitarian concerns motivate major powers. We argue and demonstrate that their decisions to intervene are principally motivated by their drive to establish, consolidate, or expand influence in different geopolitical regions. Past research with the strategic approach stressed the importance of an intervener’s prior ties with a civil war state for this decision. Though important, we show the effect of these ties is subordinate to other factors. In our argument, their role is primarily relevant for determining whether an intervener will be on the side of the government or opposition. The key issue of whether major powers are likely to intervene in the first place, however, is contingent on how much the entire region is strategically relevant to warrant intervention. The empirical analysis of civil war interventions over nearly fifty years lends strong support to our theoretical expectations.


Author(s):  
David Lucander

This chapter offers an insider's view of how the Roosevelt administration responded to Randolph's audacious threat to march on Washington. The Roosevelt administration knew of March on Washington Movement's (MOWM) threatened protest since early 1941, but waited until June to address the organization's demands. In the interim, the government monitored MOWM's activities and kept a pulse on the general morale of African Americans. As an executive shepherding the nation through prolonged economic distress and into a global conflict, Franklin D. Roosevelt emphasized in his leadership style what one prominent historian described as balancing the “shared interests and purposes and needs of all Americans.” Thus, he carefully placated MOWM with relatively small concessions that were designed to not be overly offensive to the Democratic Party's segregationist wing.


1995 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 307-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Feigelman ◽  
Julia Lee

Based on secondary analysis of the 1990 California Tobacco Survey, of 24,296 adult and 7,767 adolescent respondents, this study investigates the enigmatic results established by past research, of comparatively low prevalence rates of smoking among African-American adolescents and high use patterns for African-American adults. Findings support the crossover hypothesis claiming that more young adult White smokers successfully relinquish cigarette use than same aged African-Americans. When Whites and Blacks were grouped according to gender and age, findings showed African-American males between ages eighteen to twenty-four and females between ages twenty-five and forty-four were less likely to be among the ranks of former smokers than their same aged and gender White counterparts. The findings suggest that targeting these groups for more antismoking information and for opportunities to participate in smoking cessation programs may be helpful to reduce the higher smoking rates now found among African-American adults.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Karl Reimer ◽  
Joanne Hughes ◽  
Danielle Blaylock ◽  
Caitlin Donnelly ◽  
Ralf Wölfer ◽  
...  

Past research has shown that intergroup contact can be a promising intervention to improve intergroup relations and that contact-based interventions might be most effective during adolescence. In post-conflict Northern Ireland, widespread residential segregation and a largely separate school system limit opportunities for intergroup contact between adolescents from the Catholic and Protestant communities. We evaluated whether a large-scale intervention to facilitate intergroup contact between students attending separate schools (the ‘Shared Education’ program) improves a range of outcomes relevant for intergroup relations in Northern Ireland. We conducted a five-wave longitudinal, quasi-experimental study that followed a large sample of school students (*N* = 5,159, *M* = 12.4, age range: 10–14 years; 2,988 girls, 2,044 boys) from 56 predominantly Catholic or Protestant schools from sixth to tenth grade. We compared the developmental trajectories of students who, in ninth (14–15 years) and tenth (15–16 years) grade, shared some classes with students from the other community, as part of the program, to students who did not. We found that participating in shared classes had a medium-size, positive effect on the amount of intergroup contact students had outside of class, and small, positive effects on students’ outgroup attitudes, outgroup trust, and intergroup empathy (but not on their intergroup empathy, future contact intentions, deprovincialization, or multicultural beliefs). Our findings show that a school-based program of shared education can provide a viable and effective intervention to facilitate intergroup contact, improve intergroup relations, and foster social integration among adolescents at a large scale in a post-conflict society.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Hermien Triyowati

<p>This paper summarizes the relationship between decentralized governance and local economics development, and the mapping of LED’s concept at the country that implemented decentralized governance model. This paper seeks to (a) Understand what is the LED’s concept compare with the Decentralized Government for Development (DGD) concept, (b) Describe the impact of<br />the DGD’s implementation in Indonesia base on the past research from some experts; and (c) Informing some comprehensive program and projects which better be conducted for to reach the main goal of MDGs: eradicate poverty.<br />As a relatively new literature overview, the paper thus grapples with the many research or empiric experience conducted by many expert some time ago, and concludes with three prerequisite in implemented the LED’s concept was combined with DGD’s concept which is expected will be able to add the understanding about local economics development concept at the government that applying decentralized governance model.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Sami Chedhli Nighaoui

This paper revisits Steele’s claims about the politics of social equality and justice by interrogating some of his postulates about the allegedly ineluctable effects of preferential policies on African American social mobility. The discussion of the potential impacts of preferential policies on career building among African Americans shall herein draw on the wider debate on the “moral politics” involved in the practices of victimization and compensation. The paper also demonstrates that preferential treatment is currently the only effective assistance that the government could provide for students from this disadvantaged community in the absence of concrete political solutions to the problem of unequal educational preparation by which it seems to be most affected.


2011 ◽  
pp. 1549-1557
Author(s):  
Lynette Kvasny

In this article, we make a case for research which examines the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals. We make our case from the standpoint of African-American women. While healthcare should be a ubiquitous social good, health disparities exist among various demographic groups. In fact, health disparities have been placed on the U.S. disease prevention and health promotion agenda. Healthy People 2010 is an initiative sponsored by policy makers, researchers, medical centers, managed care organizations, and advocacy groups across the country. Although there is no consensus regarding what a health disparity is, sponsors agree that “racial and ethnic minorities experience multiple barriers to accessing healthcare, including not having health insurance, not having a usual source of care, location of providers, lack of transportation, lack of child care, and other factors. A growing body of evidence shows that racial and ethnic disparities in health outcomes, healthcare access, and quality of care exist even when insurance, income, and other access-related factors are controlled.”1 In addition to healthcare, African American women have less access to the internet. Even at equivalent income levels, African Americans are less likely than either whites or English speaking Hispanics to go online. Demographically, the composition of populations not online has not changed dramatically since 2000. Overall, 60% of the total U.S. population is online with African Americans making up 11% of the total U.S. population, 8% of the online population, and 14% of the offline population. However, when looking at those who are offline, African Americans are more likely than offline whites or Hispanics to believe that they will eventually go online (Lenhart, 2003). Although online health information is available from multiple sources, we focus solely on those health portals sponsored by the U.S. government. We made this choice based upon some early interviews with physicians and managers at a healthcare facility which serves predominantly African American clients. We learned that most clients exhibited a low degree of trust in information provided by pharmaceutical companies and other sources which seemed too commercial. Instead, clients searched for information from recognizable sources, and tended to use portals and search pages like Yahoo and Google. We found that portals sponsored by U.S. government agencies were received positively by clients. Also, portals like healthfinder.gov and cdc.gov are highly regarded by the Medical Library Association2 . Moreover, the government is entrusted to uphold values of democracy and social justice therefore the health information that they provide should be accessible to a demographically diverse audience. To gain insights into the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals, we use Nakumura’s notion of menu-driven identities. For Nakumara (2002), the internet is a discursive place in which identity is enacted. She uses the term “menudriven identities” to signify the ways in which content providers represent identities through the design of the interface and the personalization of content, and users perform their identity as they engage with the content. In what follows, we discuss health disparities and the promise of the internet in redressing inequities. Next, we further explain the ways in which users perform identity and health portals represent identities. We do this by theorizing about the health portals as mediating two-way communication between users and information providers. We conclude with directions for future research.


Author(s):  
Lynette Kvasny ◽  
Jennifer Warren

In this article, we make a case for research which examines the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals. We make our case from the standpoint of African-American women. While healthcare should be a ubiquitous social good, health disparities exist among various demographic groups. In fact, health disparities have been placed on the U.S. disease prevention and health promotion agenda. Healthy People 2010 is an initiative sponsored by policy makers, researchers, medical centers, managed care organizations, and advocacy groups across the country. Although there is no consensus regarding what a health disparity is, sponsors agree that “racial and ethnic minorities experience multiple barriers to accessing healthcare, including not having health insurance, not having a usual source of care, location of providers, lack of transportation, lack of child care, and other factors. A growing body of evidence shows that racial and ethnic disparities in health outcomes, healthcare access, and quality of care exist even when insurance, income, and other access-related factors are controlled.”1 In addition to healthcare, African American women have less access to the internet. Even at equivalent income levels, African Americans are less likely than either whites or English speaking Hispanics to go online. Demographically, the composition of populations not online has not changed dramatically since 2000. Overall, 60% of the total U.S. population is online with African Americans making up 11% of the total U.S. population, 8% of the online population, and 14% of the offline population. However, when looking at those who are offline, African Americans are more likely than offline whites or Hispanics to believe that they will eventually go online (Lenhart, 2003). Although online health information is available from multiple sources, we focus solely on those health portals sponsored by the U.S. government. We made this choice based upon some early interviews with physicians and managers at a healthcare facility which serves predominantly African American clients. We learned that most clients exhibited a low degree of trust in information provided by pharmaceutical companies and other sources which seemed too commercial. Instead, clients searched for information from recognizable sources, and tended to use portals and search pages like Yahoo and Google. We found that portals sponsored by U.S. government agencies were received positively by clients. Also, portals like healthfinder.gov and cdc.gov are highly regarded by the Medical Library Association2. Moreover, the government is entrusted to uphold values of democracy and social justice therefore the health information that they provide should be accessible to a demographically diverse audience. To gain insights into the cultural inclusiveness and salience of health portals, we use Nakumura’s notion of menu-driven identities. For Nakumara (2002), the internet is a discursive place in which identity is enacted. She uses the term “menu-driven identities” to signify the ways in which content providers represent identities through the design of the interface and the personalization of content, and users perform their identity as they engage with the content. In what follows, we discuss health disparities and the promise of the internet in redressing inequities. Next, we further explain the ways in which users perform identity and health portals represent identities. We do this by theorizing about the health portals as mediating two-way communication between users and information providers. We conclude with directions for future research.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ye Wang ◽  
Erin Willis ◽  
Vijaya Kumari Yeruva ◽  
Yugyung Lee

BACKGROUND COVID-19 vaccination rates have waned across the country since the rollout in early 2021, especially among African American neighborhoods. Vaccine hesitancy is a recurring theme challenging the world’s public health. Yet, months after efforts to vaccinate the world’s population, we still do not have a good understanding of consumer insights about those who choose to be vaccinated and those who refuse. This also suggests that many vaccination campaigns are running on assumptions, not evidence-informed by consumer insights. OBJECTIVE The purpose of this study is to understand consumer insight of COVID-19 vaccines in Kansas City, a city with higher percentages of African Americans, to contextualize the insight and further compare data from Kansas City with insights from three other similar-sized towns (Long Beach, California; Omaha, Nebraska; Raleigh, North Carolina) that also have higher percentages of people of color. METHODS The researchers collected and analyzed 180,128 tweets from four cities. Triangulated methods were used to look at the breadth and depth of data to provide validity to the findings. In addition, health communication experts, informed by machine learning/deep learning topic and emotion models, conducted a textual analysis of the tweets. The strength of this study is the compilation of methods and the ways in which the data was analyzed and visualized. RESULTS Four major themes about COVID were discovered from the mass of tweets: “COVID Vaccines,” “Politics,” “Mitigation Measures,” and “Community/Local Issues.” The tweets per topic and emotion category were visualized to show regional differences and longitudinal changes. Critical moments of emotional changes were detected. Textual analysis based upon data partitioned by the models identified national and local themes. Insights into strategies of appealing to residents are discussed. CONCLUSIONS This project’s data reveal wavering relationships of trust among residents and the government and its entities. While long-term initiatives should be used to rebuild and strengthen relationships among residents in cities with higher percentages of people of color, additional attention should be given to the health messaging directed at this audience. Practical implications are offered to inform local vaccination campaigns.


2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carla D. Hunter ◽  
Andrew D. Case ◽  
Nancy Joseph ◽  
Yara Mekawi ◽  
Ehsan Bokhari

Objectives: The first goal was to examine whether race-related stress was associated with depression in Black immigrants, as has been found in African Americans. The second goal was to determine whether intergroup relations identity factors—Black immigrants’ shared racial fate or sense of belonging with African Americans—were related to depression, above and beyond race-related stress. Third, we examined if Black immigrants’ shared racial fate or a sense of belonging with African Americans moderated the relationship between race-related stress and depression. Method: Data were collected from 110 individuals who identified as first- or second-generation Black immigrants. Results: Greater race-related stress was related to higher depression. Greater endorsement of a sense of belonging with African Americans was related to lower depression over and above the influence of race-related stress; this was not the case for shared racial fate, which was not associated with depression. Neither shared racial fate nor a sense of belonging with African Americans moderated the association between race-related stress and depression. Intergroup relations facilitate our understanding of well-being in immigrant populations.


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