Final Report of the National Committee of Fifteen on Geometry Syllabus

1912 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-131

At the meeting of the National Education Association in Cleveland in 1908, the mathematics Round Table of the Secondary Department, numbering some two hundred members, unanimously called for a national committee to study and report upon the question of a syllabus for geometry. In December, 1908, the American Federation of Teachers of the Mathematical and National Sciences at its meeting in Baltimore authorized the appointment of a national committee of fifteen on geometry syllabus. At the Denver meeting of the National Education Association in 1909, the secondary department authorized the committee which had already been appointed by the American Federation to proceed under the joint auspices of the two national bodies.

2020 ◽  
pp. 0160449X2096318
Author(s):  
Jesse Chanin

When American Federation of Teachers-Local 527 launched their collective bargaining campaign in 1965, they were one of five mostly segregated teachers’ locals in New Orleans and represented a minority of the system’s educators. Spurred on by the National, who saw them as the lynchpin to organizing the South, they held a three-day job action, the first teachers’ strike in the South, in 1966 and then a longer nine-day strike in 1969. Through these mobilizations, they connected their demand for collective bargaining to racial and economic equity in the schools, aligning themselves with Black students, parents, and lower paid support workers. In the early 1970s, New Orleans underwent an ambitious faculty desegregation program that transformed the schools and led to the merger between Local 527 and the majority-white National Education Association (NEA) local to form the United Teachers of New Orleans (UTNO). Although faculty desegregation was a top-down reform, the union capitalized on teacher integration to form intentional alliances across race and mobilize new members. Following the merger, UTNO renewed their call for collective bargaining, eventually pressuring the board to approve an election in 1974. I argue that by positioning racial justice as central to their union organizing, prioritizing participatory democracy among membership, and engaging in civil rights unionism, UTNO succeeded in achieving collective bargaining when so many other Southern cities failed.


Author(s):  
Jon Shelton

This chapter documents the reasons for the diminished number of teacher strikes in the US since 1981. It also argues that while teacher strikes have declined, the two national teacher unions, the American Federation of Teachers and the National Education Association, have become major political targets of Republicans and even some Democrats. The chapter offers the book’s conclusion: that struggles over public education were fundamental in the demise of labor liberalism and the rise of neoliberalism. It also chronicles how continued market reforms have undercut public education in the years after the 1980s and asks what can be done to revitalize social democracy in the US.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (48) ◽  
pp. 121-138
Author(s):  
Wayne Joseph Urban

This essay profiles the history of the National Education Association of the United States of America. Founded in 1857, the association functioned as a national debating society for a small group of educational leaders for the rest of the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century, it experienced a wave of feminist opposition to the male leaders, the influence of progressive education, a surge of local emphasis, the challenge of trade unionism in the form of the American Federation of Teachers - AFT -, its own racial desegregation, and participation in the creation of the United States Department of Education. Recently, it has been attacked from the political right, as a facilitator of an intellectually deficient public education system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
David Nack ◽  
Michael Childers ◽  
Alexia Kulwiec ◽  
Armando Ibarra

This paper examines the experience of four major public sector unions in Wisconsin since the passage of Wisconsin Act 10 in 2011. The four unions are the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), the American Federation of Teachers (AFT-Wisconsin), the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), and the Wisconsin Education Association Council (WEAC), an affiliate of the National Education Association. Wisconsin’s prior legal framework for public sector collective bargaining is explained and compared to the new highly restrictive framework established by Act 10. That new framework, established by state legislation, is analyzed, as are its impacts on the membership, revenues, structures, and practices of the four unions. In general, we find the impacts to have been very dramatic, with a loss of active union membership averaging approximately 70 percent overall, and concomitant dramatic losses in union revenues and power. These shocks have engendered the restructuring of two of the unions examined, the downsizing of the third, and the de facto exiting from the state’s public sector in another. There have also been significant changes in representation practices in one union, but less so in the others. We conclude by discussing best union practices based on this experience, as well as considering what the recent public sector union history in Wisconsin may portend for public worker union membership nationwide, since the issuing of the Janus Decision by the U.S. Supreme Court.


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