scholarly journals Cataluña y el derecho a decidir

2016 ◽  
pp. 461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Víctor Ferreres Comella
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Weak Sense ◽  
Strong Sense ◽  
The Right

En el discurso político dominante en Cataluña se ha afianzado la idea de que los ciudadanos son titulares de un «derecho a decidir». Este derecho se puede entender en un sentido fuerte, como el derecho a decidir la separación de Cataluña del resto de España, o en un sentido débil como el derecho de los ciudadanos a ser consultados al respecto. Ahora bien, no existen razones convincentes para postular la existencia de este derecho.The political discourse that prevails in Catalonia has endorsed the idea that citizens have a «right to decide». This right can be understood in a strong sense, as the right to decide Catalonia´s secession from Spain, or in a weak sense, as the right of citizens to be heard with regard to this issue. There are no convincing reasons, however, to support the existence of such a right.

scholarly journals Political discourse, the media and campaign communications: a grounded theory analysis of how the 2011 General Election was manifested in unsigned editorials inThe Globe and Mail and The National Post

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Murray
Keyword(s):  
Grounded Theory ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
English Language ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Media ◽  
Axial Coding ◽  
The Right

Traditionally, the Canadian political environment has been predicated on a left-right ideological split, with the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC) on the left and iterations of the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) on the right (Cochrane, 2010). However, this changed after the 2011 General Election when the NDP won enough seats in Parliament (102, an increase of 65 seats from the last election) to form the Official Opposition. The LPC lost a drastic number of seats, from 77 seats to 34 seats (-43), reducing them to third party status in the House of Commons for the first time in history. This paper explores how this phenomenon was manifested in the media by analyzing unsigned editorials in two national English language Canadian newspapers, The Globe and Mail and The National Post, from April 20, 2011 to May 2, 2011. This time period was chosen to reflect the period between expressed public support for the NDP rose above support for the LPC and the end of the campaign on election day. To analyze this phenomenon, this paper uses grounded theory as the methodological framework. Grounded theory is a qualitative and explorative form of research that differs from other forms of qualitative research because the data collection phase and analysis phases of the project are conducted concurrently (Glaser, 1978; Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss, 1987; Strauss & Corbin, 1990; Banks, et al., 2000; Schreiber, 2001; Lindlof & Taylor, 2002; Gibbs, 2007; Charmaz, 2000). This approach provides a flexible framework to explore new phenomena, free of preconceived ideas about findings (Strauss and Corbin, 1998). A series of coding phases - open coding, axial coding, notional coding - are used to identify patterns within the textual data and the observed patterns are used to form theories to explain the phenomenon. The analysis in this paper suggests that prior to the General Election outcome, the NDP emerged as a serious political contender to the CPC. This theory emerges from two patterns observed in the data centred around political discourse and campaign communications. The first observed pattern is how the editorials described each partyʼs leader using a narrative of leadership and capability. The CPC and NDP leaders, whose parties gained the most in the General Election, were described under the narrative of leadership and reflected this narrative in their campaign communications. The second observed pattern was the way certain issues were highlighted in the editorials as salient election issues. These issues - Quebec, healthcare, and the economy - were more closely related to the campaign communications from the NDP and the CPC than they were to the LPC.

scholarly journals Robust Action Dynamics in Political Discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Balazs Vedres
Keyword(s):  
Speech Acts ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Unobserved Heterogeneity ◽  
Local Action ◽  
Action Dynamics ◽  
Show Evidence ◽  
Time Series Approach ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Strategic Framing

How do politicians gain an upper hand in political discourse? Recent literature on framings in political discourse have re-directed attention from static models of issue ownership to more interactive models of strategic framing contests. This article proposes a robust action approach, and tests hypotheses about the dual repertoires of local action: First, we test for the presence of exploratory local action, when discourse positions are altered in response to positions by others, and second, we show evidence for the presence of role claim behavior, when a dominant discourse position is taken that silences others. Using the case of economic policy discourse in Hungary in 1997, we show how the “GDP growth” discourse position silenced opposition positions on the right, mostly built from stigmatizing frames. Discourse positions beyond the one built around growth did not silence alternative framings, but elicited discourse shifts. We coded 8632 utterances over 100 days of discourse into a two-mode network of speech acts and statements and used a two-mode blockmodeling approach to identify positions and frames. We used a pooled time series approach to test hypotheses of local action dynamics. We found evidence for both exploratory local action and role claim, while controlling for observed and unobserved heterogeneity at the actor level.

scholarly journals The Manifestation of Gender Peculiarities in Political Discourse

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2 (12)) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Ruzanna Arustamyan
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Social Roles ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Male And Female ◽  
Female Politicians ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Biological Differences

The article is devoted to the description of gender peculiarities in political discourse. The differences of male and female speeches aim to determine the degree of effectiveness of the impact of gendered approaches in political communication on male and female audiences. We may observe obvious differences between male and female speeches. It is conditioned by biological differences and social roles and stereotypes fixed in the society. Sometimes female politicians tend to imitate male speech behavior in order to defend their positions and the right to participate in the political life of their country.

scholarly journals Barbarian in the City Walls. Schumpeter’s ‘Entrepreneur’ as the Subject of a Historico-political Discourse

Stasis ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-76
Author(s):  
Georgy Vanunts
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
The World ◽  
Werner Sombart ◽  
The Subject ◽  
City Walls ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

A common narrative about the recent reactionary turn in electoral democracies around the world highlights a fundamental lack in the heart of neoliberal rationality — a lack of political/ social in the version of critical theorists and a lack of morals/ traditions in the version of conservative critics. What if this lack is complemented by an excess, an antinomic element, that overdetermines this shift to the right? Following the mainstream version of neoliberal subject — an entrepreneurial self — this study reaches into the genealogy of the ‘entrepreneur’ concept in the theory of Joseph A.Schumpeter, tracing its roots to the conservative dichotomies of Werner Sombart and Friedrich von Wieser. By placing the ‘entrepreneur’ in the framework of Foucault’s theory of two discourses, I draw out the complex relationship between Schumpeterian concept and its analogues in the mainstream neoliberal theory. An outcome of this analysis is the hypotesis of polidiscoursivity: a problem of ‘barbarian subject’ at the gates (or within the city walls) of the Austrian school’s (neo)liberal utopia.

scholarly journals The ‘new’ League success in the red belt and its post-fascist inheritance: evidence from 2018 National Elections

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moreno Mancosu ◽  
Riccardo Ladini
Keyword(s):  
Unemployment Rate ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Lega Nord ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

In 2018 national elections, the Lega, an Italian xenophobic right-wing party, has dramatically increased its consensus in the ‘red belt’, the central part of the country traditionally ruled by center-left parties. Pundits have argued that this performance can be attributed to the effect of the new leadership of Matteo Salvini, who shifted the ideological location of the party (that now aims at being a national right-wing party), combined with the drop in preferences of Forza Italia, the ally/competitor in the right-wing ideological spectrum. This paper aims at providing new insights in the explanation of these electoral outcomes, by hypothesizing that geographical trajectories of diffusion of the party are correlated with the presence of geographically clustered post-fascist minorities present in the region since the First Republic age. By employing official figures at the municipality level, the paper analyses the relationship between the percentages of votes for the MSI (the most relevant post-fascist force during the First Republic) in 1976 and the Lega Nord in the 2006-2018 period. Consistent with our hypothesis, the post-fascist inheritance is significantly correlated with the local prevalence for the Lega Nord in 2018, after the change in the political discourse and leadership of the party. Empirical analyses provide evidence of our expectations, even when controlling for unemployment rate and percentage of immigrants.

Do the Right Thing

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elinor Mason
Keyword(s):  
Strong Sense ◽  
Traditional Belief ◽  
General Account ◽  
The Right ◽  
Do The Right Thing ◽  
Action Guidance

Subjective rightness (or ‘ought’ or obligation) seems to be the sense of rightness that should be action guiding where more objective senses fail. However, there is an ambiguity between strong and weak senses of action guidance. No general account of subjective rightness can succeed in being action guiding in a strong sense by providing an immediately helpful instruction, because helpfulness always depends on the context. Subjective rightness is action guiding in a weaker sense, in that it is always accessible and comprehensible to the agent. Hence traditional belief formulations say roughly, “do what you believe is best.” This is not yet a satisfactory formulation, because it cannot make sense of our ongoing subjective duty to improve our beliefs. The notion of ‘trying’ does capture the dynamic and diachronic nature of our subjective obligation. Thus, we should formulate subjective obligation in terms of trying: “try to do well by morality.”

The Seriousness of Play: Johan Huizinga and Carl Schmitt on Play and the Political

2020 ◽  
pp. 155541202097561
Author(s):  
Alexander Lambrow
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Seminal Work ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
Johan Huizinga ◽  
The Right

This article addresses the political dimensions of Johan Huizinga’s seminal work Homo Ludens: A study of the play element in culture (1938). More than just a foundational text in academic ludology, this text positioned itself as a polemic against the right-wing political discourse going on in contemporaneous Nazi Germany, represented chiefly by Carl Schmitt. Through his concept of play, Huizinga hoped to resolve what he perceived to be the confusion of play and seriousness among a group of reactionary theorists narrowly focused on the Schmittian Ernstfall, the “serious case” of inimical violence. This article analyzes the usage of the concepts of “play” and “seriousness” in Huizinga’s and Schmitt’s respective corpuses and, finally, places their work in dialogue in order to understand the difficulties involved in defining play as unserious and unpolitical.

Probability and Scientific Inference

Philosophy ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 34 (129) ◽  
pp. 150-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. W. K. Mundle
Keyword(s):  
Weak Sense ◽  
Strong Sense ◽  
Psychical Research ◽  
Scientific Inference ◽  
Statistical Science ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Objective Concept

This book would be very important indeed if Mr. Spencer Brown had substantiated his claims “that the concept of probability used in statistical science is meaningless in its own terms” (p. 66), and that confirming this is the only significance of experiments in psychical research. The six short (and not very relevant) introductory chapters need not be discussed here. It is in Chapters VII to IX that the author develops his thesis that the concept of randomness is self–contradictory, and the statistician's concept of probability consequently meaningless. I shall examine what I take to be the central argument leading to this conclusion. This is developed from a distinction between “primary chance or randomness” and “secondary chance or randomness” (“chance” and “randomness” are used interchangeably). The former concept is to be applicable only to individual events and is to depend upon their “unexpectedness or unpredictability”; the latter concept, applicable only to a series as such, is denned as “possessing no discernible pattern” (p. 46). The definition of “primary randomness” is amplified, but not clarified, on page 49: “An event is primarily random in so far as... one cannot be sure of its occurrence... The only relevant criterion is that we are able to guess”. (My italics. Notice that the former sentence implies unpredictability in the strong sense, i.e. not predictable with certainty, whereas the latter suggests unpredictability in a weak sense, i.e. not predictable as more or less likely. Spencer Brown oscillates between these different interpretations.) We are then told that primary randomness “admits of analysis in subjective terms”, since the same event may be predictable by one person but unpredictable by another; whereas secondary randomness is “a more objective concept”. (Is the author claiming that people vary less in their ability to discern patterns in a series than in their ability to predict its unobserved members? Or is he, as I suspect, arbitrarily interpreting “primary randomness” in terms of the speaker's ability to predict, and “secondary randomness” in terms of anyone's ability to discern?)

scholarly journals A Generalized Model for the Risk Process and its Application to a Tentative Evaluation of Outstanding Liabilities

1965 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 215-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Philipson
Keyword(s):  
Poisson Process ◽  
Compound Poisson Process ◽  
Random Variable ◽  
Weak Sense ◽  
Risk Process ◽  
Distribution Functions ◽  
Wide Sense ◽  
Risk Distribution ◽  
Image Position ◽  
The Right

A compound Poisson process, in this context abbreviated to cPp, is defined by a probability distribution of the number m of events in the interval (o, τ) of the original scale of the process parameter, assumed to be one-dimensional, in the following form.where du shall be inserted for t, λτ being the intensity function of a Poisson process with the expected number t of events in the interval (O, τ) and U(ν, τ) is the distribution function of ν for every fixed value of τ, here called the risk distribution. If the inverse of is substituted for τ, in the right membrum of (1), the function obtained is a function of t.If the risk distribution is defined by the general form U(ν, τ) the process defined by (1) is called a cPp in the wide sense (i.w.s.). In the sequel two particular cases for U(ν, τ) shall be considered, namely when it has the form of distribution functions, which define a primary process being stationary (in the weak sense) or non-stationary, and when it is equal to U1(ν) independently of τ. The process defined by (1) is in these cases called a stationary or non-stationary (s. or n.s.)cPp and a cPpin the narrow sense (i.n.s.) respectively. If a process is non-elementary i.e. the size of one change in the random function constituting the process is a random variable, the distribution of this variable conditioned by the hypothesis that such a change has occurred at τ is here called the change distribution and denoted by V(x, τ), or, if it is independent of τ, by V1(x). In an elementary process the size of one change is a constant, so that, in this case, the change distribution reduces to the unity distribution E(x — k), where E(ξ) is equal to I, o, if ξ is non-negative, negative respectively, and k is a given constant.

scholarly journals CONCEPTUAL METAPHOR IN THE GERMAN POLITICAL DISCOURSE AS A REFLECTION OF MIGRATION PROCESSES (BASED ON OFFICIAL STATEMENTS OF THE PARTY “ALTERNATIVE FOR GERMANY”)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 8-18
Author(s):  
T. S. Medvedeva ◽  
V. E. Kazakova
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Conceptual Metaphor ◽  
Public Awareness ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Migration Policies ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right ◽  
Alternative For Germany

The paper considers the metaphorical models as a way of conceptual-metaphorical representation of migration policies pursued by the German federal government in the texts of official statements of the right-wing opposition party “Alternative for Germany” (AfD). The study aims at analyzing the functioning of conceptual metaphors in the German political discourse focused on migration processes. The study is based on the texts of AfD’s official statements within the 2016th and the 2019th years posted on the website https://www.afd.de/ The overall number of the analyzed texts is 70. The theory of political metaphor is currently one of the most urgent and dynamic fields of linguistics. In our opinion, the metaphorization of migration processes is understudied and needs addressing the topic. As a result of the research, the conclusion is made that the metaphor serves as one of the most important and effective ways of manipulation aimed at controlling the public awareness and contributing to shaping political viewpoints that benefit the addresser. Throughout the study we analyzed the basic metaphorical models used to describe migration processes in Germany; a classification of predominant metaphors based on the sources of metaphorical expansion was worked out. Besides, we tried to trace the dynamics of using the metaphorical models within the four-year period. In 2016 as well as in 2019 nature-morphic, anthropomorphic, sociomorphic models were widely used in the official statements of the AfD party. However, the number of the metaphors in the texts dated 2016 is half as much as in 2019 (184 versus 120). In both periods of time the sociomorphic model proved to be the most popular but it is much more frequent in 2019. However, in the texts dated 2016 it comprises additional concepts of religion and hospitality. The nature-morphic metaphor is twice more frequent in 2016. The percent of anthropomorphic and cognitive metaphors in both periods of time remains unaltered.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document