scholarly journals La protección del menor desde un enfoque del Derecho Constitucional

Author(s):  
Cayetano Núñez Rivero ◽  
Adolfo Alonso Carbajal

Sobre la protección del menor, se incide en un enfoque propio del Derecho Constitucional, a partir de las declaraciones de los derechos humanos, tanto del ámbito europeo, latinoamericano, musulmán, como de carácter global. A este respecto, se analiza la legislación española y los principios inspiradores de la misma. Se estudian igualmente los conflictos surgidos cuando tales derechos se enfrentan a otros sistemas legales de origen musulmán, que tienen su fundamento en materia de familia en sistemas canónicos jurídicos definidos por el Quaram, los Haddit, o dichos del profeta, la Umma, o decisiones de la asamblea de los creyentes, y los dictámenes de los juristas, organizados en escuelas diferentes, que configuran la Sharia.On the protection of minors, affects its own approach to constitutional law, from the declarations of human rights, both European, Latin American, Muslim, and global in nature. In this regard, discusses about Spanish law and the principles thereof. They also discussed the conflicts where such rights are facing other legal systems of Muslim origin, which are based on family legal systems defined canonical Quaram, the Haddit, or sayings of the prophet, the Umma, or decisions the assembly of believers, and the opinions of jurists, organized in different schools, which make up the Sharia.

Author(s):  
Keith Ewing

This article begins with a brief discussion of what human rights are. It then considers the international treaties which have emerged to protect human rights in national legal systems, focusing on aspects of the scholarship which has developed alongside the cascade of these rights from international law to constitutional law to ordinary municipal law. This is a process which has been controversial as human rights and democracy are seen by some to be mutually dependent, but by others to be engaged in an abrasive struggle for superiority on the battleground of ideas.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-262
Author(s):  
Sébastien Platon

Human rights – European Convention on Human Rights – European Union – United Nations – Smart sanctions – Constitutional law – French law – German law – Conflicts between legal systems – Equivalent protection – Solange


Author(s):  
José Fernando Lousada Arochena

Resumen. El estudio analiza las coincidencias y las discrepancias existentes entre la jurisprudencia del TEDH y del TJUE en relación con dos cuestiones concretas en las cuales está implicada la igualdad de género: la conciliación masculina y la discriminación múltiple. La existencia de las discrepancias obedece a las diferentes características de los ordenamientos jurídicos que cada tribunal debe aplicar. El Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos es un texto sobre derechos humanos y habilita ampliamente al TEDH para su aplicación. Mientras que el Derecho de la Unión Europea, aunque tiene unos objetivos de integración más ambiciosos que el CEDH, presenta carencias en materia de derechos humanos, lo que limita en no pocas ocasiones la actuación del TJUE. La solución estaría en la deseable integración de ambos ordenamientos jurídicos a través de la adhesión de la Unión Europea al CEDH.Palabras clave: igualdad de género, TEDH, TJUE.Abstract. The study analyzes the coincidences and discrepancies between the jurisprudence of the ECHR and the CJEU in relation to two specific issues in which gender equality is involved: male conciliation and multiple discrimination. The existence of the discrepancies is due to the different characteristics of the legal systems that each court must apply. The European Convention on Human Rights is a text on human rights and enables the ECHR to apply it broadly. While the European Union Law, although it has more ambitious integration objectives than the ECHR, it has many lacks about human rights, which limits the CJEU’s decissions on many occasions. The solution would be the desirable integration of both legal systems through the accession of the European Union to the ECHR.Keywords: gender equality, ECHR, CJEU.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 183-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Christine Doran

The criminalization of social movements and protest remains underanalyzed as a problem intrinsic to democracy. Comparison of two seemingly different Latin American countries with regard to the degree of violence, Chile and Mexico, suggests that, far from being caused by the dysfunction of the legal system or other institutional factors, criminalization is a specific form of retrenching on well-established civil and political rights, rendering them synonymous with criminal behavior that must be sanctioned legally, and tolerates abusive behavior by state agents toward human rights defenders, who are viewed as enemies. As such, it is key to an understanding of the current violence in Latin America. Fieldwork and interviews of human rights defenders in the two countries suggest that criminalization of collective action is a systemic state response to the intense multifaceted mobilization in favor of democracy and new generations of rights that Latin America has been experiencing “from below” during the past decade. La criminalización de los movimientos y protestas sociales sigue siendo un problema intrínseco a la democracia pero es poco analizado como tal. Una comparación del grado de violencia en dos países latinoamericanos, Chile y México, sugiere que, lejos de ser el producto del sistema legal u otros factores institucionales, la criminalización es una forma específica de reducir derechos civiles y políticos bien establecidos y convertirlos en sinónimo de comportamiento criminal que debe ser sancionado legalmente. Dicho proceso tolera el comportamiento abusivo por parte de agentes del estado hacia defensores de los derechos humanos, quienes aparecen como enemigos. Esto es crucial para entender la actual violencia en América Latina. La criminalización de la acción colectiva es una respuesta estatal sistémica a una intensa y multifacética movilización de grupos de base a favor de la democracia y nuevos derechos en esta última década.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (41) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Laura Gottero

El trabajo profundiza en la construcción de un discurso periodístico que incorpore y emplee activamente la perspectiva de derechos humanos en la labor mediática que tematiza el fenómeno migratorio y a las personas migrantes como objetos o contextos de noticia. Las preocupaciones por el modo en que se representa a los/as migrantes y se aborda el fenómeno migratorio en los medios de comunicación latinoamericanos tiene su base en la identificación de procesos persistentes de desigualdad en las posibilidades de construcción simbólica, que afectan negativamente la imagen de migrantes y les quitan la posibilidad de una voz propia en los medios hegemónicos. En ese sentido, la Folkcomunicación y los derechos humanos recuperan esa discusión y proveen de herramientas valiosas para reconfigurar la práctica periodística contemporánea. El trabajo analiza el modo de construcción de discursos periodísticos empleando el enfoque conceptual y metodológico de los derechos humanos, así también incorpora herramientas del análisis de discurso desde una perspectiva comunicacional. Como resultado del relevamiento critico realizado, se elaboran elementos de abordaje y recomendaciones concretas para reconfigurar la práctica y la producción periodística sobre migración a partir de un marco de derechos humanos. Periodismo; Migrantes; Derechos Humanos; Desigualdad comunicativa; Representaciones. The work delves into the construction of a journalistic discourse that incorporates and actively uses the human rights perspective in media work that thematizes the migratory phenomenon and migrants as news objects or contexts. Concerns about the way in which migrants are represented and the migratory phenomenon is addressed in the Latin American media is based on the identification of persistent processes of inequality in the possibilities of symbolic construction, which negatively affect the image of migrants and take away the possibility of their own voice in the hegemonic media. In this sense, Folkcommunication and human rights recover this discussion and provide valuable tools to reconfigure contemporary journalistic practice. The work analyzes the way of construction of journalistic discourses using the conceptual and methodological approach of human rights, as well as incorporating tools of discourse analysis from a communication perspective. As a result of the critical survey carried out, elements of approach and concrete recommendations are elaborated to reconfigure the practice and journalistic production on migration based on a human rights framework. Journalism; Migrants; Human Dights; Communicative inequality; Representations. O trabalho investiga a construção de um discurso jornalístico que incorpora e utiliza ativamente a perspectiva dos direitos humanos no trabalho midiático que tematiza o fenômeno migratório e os migrantes como objetos ou contextos de notícias. A preocupação com a forma como os migrantes são representados e o fenômeno migratório é abordado na mídia latino-americana se baseia na identificação de processos persistentes de desigualdade nas possibilidades de construção simbólica, que afetam negativamente a imagem de migrantes e tiram a possibilidade de sua própria voz na mídia hegemônica. Nesse sentido, o Folkcomunicação e os direitos humanos resgatam essa discussão e fornecem valiosas ferramentas para reconfigurar a prática jornalística contemporânea. O trabalho analisa a forma de construção dos discursos jornalísticos a partir da abordagem conceitual e metodológica dos direitos humanos, bem como incorpora ferramentas de análise do discurso na perspectiva da comunicação. Como resultado da pesquisa crítica realizada, são elaborados elementos de abordagem e recomendações concretas para reconfigurar a prática e a produção jornalística sobre a migração com base em um marco de direitos humanos. Jornalismo; Migrantes; Direitos Humanos; Desigualdade comunicativa; Representações.


Author(s):  
Katherine M. Marino

This chapter illustrates how Latin American popular front feminists seized leadership of the Inter-American Commission of Women at the 1938 Eighth International Conference of American States in Lima and continued to expand the movement. Drawing on the groundwork paved by Ofelia Dom쭧uez Navarro, Clara Gonzoz, Paulina Luisi, Bertha Lutz, and Marta Vergara, who continued organizing in these years, the Unión de Mujeres Americanas, the Confederación Continental de Mujeres por la Paz, and a new force of Mexican poplar front feminists united. They promoted women’s social and economic rights, anti-fascism, anti-racism, and anti-imperialism as interconnected struggles. A leader in this network, the communist feminist Esperanza Balmaceda, who was appointed to the Mexican delegation to the Lima conference, collaborated there with Latin American feminists, the U.S. State Department, and U.S. female reformers in the Roosevelt administration to remove Stevens as chair of the Commission. At the same time, they mobilized a broader defense of what the Lima conference called “derechos humanos.” There and at the Congreso de Democracias in Montevideo, Uruguay, co-organized by Paulina Luisi, feminists asserted the need for a grassroots movement, for women’s rights treaties, and for broad commitments to human rights in the Americas.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 1169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatriz Tomás Mallén

Resumen:El presente artículo examina críticamente la decisión histórica de retirada de la UE adoptada en el Reino Unido en el referéndum del Brexit de 23 de junio de 2016, desde una perspectiva de Derecho Constitucional Europeo. En efecto, se hace hincapié en el impacto negativo del Brexit en la construcción de una Europa de los derechos humanos. Desde este punto de vista, se destaca la permanente actitud vacilante del Reino Unido entre el reclamo de la supremacía británica y la necesidad de fortalecer una cultura constitucional europea común, teniendo en cuenta las dinámicas de la «adhesión» y de la «exclusión parcial» tanto en relación con la UE como con el Consejo de Europa y sus principales instrumentos de derechos humanos. Por otra parte, el artículo somete a análisis las inconsistencias del «Libro Blanco del Brexit» presentado como documento oficial del Gobierno británico en el campo de los derechos fundamentales. En fin, se concluye que el Brexit puede ser una decisión histórica equivocada que debilita la cultura constitucional británica y, correlativamente, una oportunidad para que los demás Estados miembros de la UE optimicen el proceso de integración europea y la calidad de sus propios regímenes democráticos.Summary:I. Introduction: the Brexit as a result of the eurosceptic british constitutionalism. II. The United Kingdom as a promoter (paradoxically) of a comprehensive Europe of rights. 1. The emblematic constitution in London of the Council of Europe. 2. The late assumption of the basic standards of European rights culture. III. The initial exclusion and successive british exceptions to the european rights community. 1. The EFTA and the promotion of the integrated Europe of rights, without integrating it. 2. Partial exceptions on rights in the revisions of the European Treaties. 3. The total amendment to the Europe of rights: rejection of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. IV. The Brexit road map as an abandonment of the European constitutional order of rights. 1. Distancing from the European catalog of rights. 2. Disregard for the CJEU. 3. The road map at the crossroads: the thin frontier between the European Union and the Council of Europe. V. Final thoughts: the commitment to the strengthening of a Europe of rights, despite Brexit.Abstract:This essay critically examines the historical decision of withdrawal from the EU adopted in United Kingdom in the Brexit referendum of 23 June 2016 under a European Constitutional Law perspective. Indeed, the focus is put on the negative impact of the Brexit in building a Europe of human rights. From this point of view, the author highlights the United Kingdom’s permanent hesitation between a claim for the British supremacy and a need for strengthening a Common European Constitutional culture, by taking into account the dynamics of either «accession» or «partial out-puts» in relation to both the EU and the Council of Europe and their main human rights instruments. On the other hand, the paper submits to scrutiny the inconsistencies of the British Government’s official «Brexit White Paper» in the field of fundamental rights. The author concludes that the Brexit might be a wrong historic decision weakening the British Constitutional culture and, correlatively, an opportunity for the other EU Member States to optimize the European integration process as well as the quality of their own democratic regimes. 


Author(s):  
Enoch Albertí Rovira ◽  
Juan María Bilbao Ubillos ◽  
Víctor Ferreres Comella ◽  
Javier García Roca ◽  
Luis Jimena Quesada ◽  
...  

En esta encuesta un grupo de Catedráticos de Derecho Constitucional contestan un conjunto de preguntas sobre el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos, su origen y evolución, las principales características de su jurisprudencia, y su relación con los órganos de los Estados firmantes del Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos.In this academic survey a group of Constitutional Law Professors answer some questions about the European Court of Human Rights, its origins and evolution, the main features of its work and its decisions, and its relationship with the national States signatories of the European Convention on Human Rights.


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