scholarly journals Vulnerabilidad, propaganda terrorista online y reclutamiento en el contexto del terrorismo internacional

2021 ◽  
pp. 211
Author(s):  
Francesco Rossi
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Mutual Trust ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Terrorist Recruitment

La captación de terroristas conocidos como “internacionales” o “yihadistas” y la propaganda online son cuestiones contemporáneas cruciales. El Estado Islámico ha desarrollado un aparato de propaganda organizado y eficaz a escala mundial. Fuera de sus territorios, se sirve de una red que llama a personas vulnerables a convertirse en combatientes terroristas extranjeros (foreign terrorist fighters) o en lobos solitarios (lone wolves). El presente estudio analiza los principales objetivos, medios y efectos de la propaganda online y del reclutamiento de terroristas, y concluye que es necesario un cambio del actual paradigma de prevención. El objetivo multicultural más amplio es restablecer la confianza mutua entre las personas marginadas y/o radicalizadas, la sociedad y el Estado.The so-called «international» or «jihadi» terrorist recruitment and online propaganda are paramount contemporary issues. The Islamic State built an organised and efficient propaganda apparatus at global level. Outside its territories, it relies upon a network calling on vulnerable individuals to turn into foreign terrorist fighters or lone wolves. This paper analyses the main targets, means and effects of terrorist propaganda and recruitment. In the concluding remarks, the author argues that a change of the current preventive paradigm is necessary. The broader goal is to restore mutual trust between marginalised and/or radicalised individuals, society, and the State.

GAGASAN PEMIKIRAN DAN GERAKAN DAKWAH M. NATSIR DI INDONESIA

1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan
Keyword(s):  
Boarding School ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Islamic Values

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman.His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kiai or ulama. To make a da’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.

Gagasan Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwah M. Natsir di Indonesia

1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan
Keyword(s):  
Boarding School ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Islamic Values

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman. His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kyai or ulama. To make ada’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.

Humanising the Dehumanised: Emotion and Being in the Violence of the Islamic State (IS): An Alternative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Alternative Perspective ◽  
Western Civilisation ◽  
Ongoing Project

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.

Re-enacting the international order, or: why the Syrian state did not disappear

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Janis Grzybowski
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
International Order ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
New States ◽  
Regime Support ◽  
Rare Opportunity ◽  
State Form

Abstract At the height of the Syrian civil war, many observers argued that the Syrian state was collapsing, fragmenting, or dissolving. Yet, it never actually vanished. Revisiting the rising challenges to the Syrian state since 2011 – from internal collapse through external fragmentation to its looming dissolution by the ‘Islamic State’ – provides a rare opportunity to investigate the re-enactment of both statehood and international order in crisis. Indeed, what distinguishes the challenges posed to Syria, and Iraq, from others in the region and beyond is that their potential dissolution was regarded as a threat not merely to a – despised – dictatorial regime, or a particular state, but to the state-based international order itself. Regimes fall and states ‘collapse’ internally or are replaced by new states, but the international order is fundamentally questioned only where the territorially delineated state form is contested by an alternative. The article argues that the Syrian state survived not simply due to its legal sovereignty or foreign regime support, but also because states that backed the rebellion, fearing the vanishing of the Syrian nation-state in a transnational jihadist ‘caliphate’, came to prefer its persistence under Assad. The re-enactment of states and of the international order are thus ultimately linked.

scholarly journals ‘We Too Have a Word to Say’

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-68
Author(s):  
Muzaffer Kaya
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Main Determinant ◽  
Governmental Policy ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning

This article seeks to explain how in the beginning of the 1960s in Turkey the right to strike was adopted as a social right. The existing literature is divided regarding the factors that led to the shift in governmental policy. While some argue that the state granted this right without any struggle on the side of the workers, others propose that the main determinant in the process was the struggle of workers. By scrutinizing the interaction between political developments at the state and party levels, and the actions of the workers in that period, I argue that the recognition of the right to strike was the combined result of several interrelated political developments at the local and global level.

Democratic Legitimacy beyond the State: Politicization, Representation, and a Systemic Framework

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-303
Author(s):  
Jonathan William Kuyper
Keyword(s):  
Direct Relationship ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Constructivist View ◽  
International Authority ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Does the politicization of international authority help to reduce democratic deficits beyond the state? In this paper I argue that politicization provides a useful springboard for remedying democratic deficits at the EU and global level. Despite this promise, there are a range of concerns that inhibit a direct relationship between politicization and increased democratic legitimacy. The paper unpacks what politicization is and how it might relate to democratic legitimacy. It then argues that problems surrounding representation – in particular the constructivist view of representation – complicates this relationship. Significantly the notion of mobilization generates suspicions of democratic representational legitimacy. In response, the paper details a framework for assessing the democratic legitimacy of representative claims under conditions of politicization that responds to the aforementioned concerns. This framework is briefly applied to the cases of TTIP and TPP to show its merits.

scholarly journals Identity of an Islamic Ideological State: An Analytical Study

IIUC Studies ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 147-178
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rafiqul Hoque
Keyword(s):  
Analytical Study ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State

The Islamic system of state established by the Prophet (SM), existed from 623CE in Medina. The state of Medina was neither monarchic nor republican, ruled on the policy of the majority. This state was based neither on tribalism nor on nationalism, rather on humanism and Islamic monotheism. It was really an Ideological state and the ideology was Islam. In the present paper, an attempt has been made to describe the main features of an Islamic Ideological state through its main principles and distinguishing points of three basic organs and to analyse the differences between an Islamic state and secular states. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/iiucs.v7i0.12266 IIUC Studies Vol.7 2011: 147-178

scholarly journals Development of the technical specifications and changes to the TSs for refractories by JSC “The Ukrainian research institute of refractories named after A. S. Berezhnoy” in 2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 107-121
Author(s):  
V. V. Martynenko ◽  
L. V. Belyaeva ◽  
I. Yu. Kostyrko ◽  
T. F. Pahomova ◽  
T. P. Lytvynenko
Keyword(s):  
Technical Specification ◽  
Technical Committee ◽  
The State ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Regulatory Documents ◽  
State Standardization ◽  
Modern System ◽  
Technical Specifications ◽  
Continue Work ◽  
Technical Regulations

This article includes information about development of technical specifications (TS) and changes to the TSs for refractories by institute in 2018. In 2018, the following standards were developed, agreed with enterprises in accordance with the requirements of the state standardization system and approved: one new technical specification and 14 change to TS for serial refractory products, produced by Ukrainian enterprises; 3 new TS for serial refractory products developed PrJSC “KDZ” were checked and agreed; 6 new technical specification and 11 change to the current specifications for the pilot batches of refractories manufactured by JSC “The URIR named after A. S. Berezhnoy”. Changes to technical specifications and new technical specifications have been developed in concordance with requirements of the modern system standardizations of the Ukraine (СОУ КЗПС 74.9­02568182­003:2016, ДСТУ 1.5:2015, СОУ МПП 01.120­090:2005), endorsed by manufacturers and enterprise consumers, tested for compliance with current legislation, technical regulations and regulatory documents and entered into the database «Technical conditions of Ukraine» — SE “Kharkivstandartmetrology”, and approved by the technical committee TC 7 “Refractories”. Institute plans to continue work on the development of TS and changes to the TSs for refractory products, study and analysis of the global level of standardization in the field of refractories.

scholarly journals DEBATE OF ISLAM AND COUNTRIES IN THE CONSTITUANTE BOARD, 1956-1959

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 155-174
Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Basic Group ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.

scholarly journals Post-Islamism Redefined: Towards a politics of post-Islamism

2020 ◽  
pp. 28-54
Author(s):  
Milad Dokhanchi
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Alternative Definition ◽  
Philosophical Foundations ◽  
Current Conception ◽  
Sharia Law ◽  
Radical Critique ◽  
Modern Condition ◽  
Islamist Movements

Problematizing Asef Bayat’s notion of “post-Islamism,” this article proposes an alternative definition for the concept, having in mind the case of Iran. The current conception of the term “post-Islamism” may be challenged via a survey of post-revolutionary Islamist movements that resisted the state and as well as Ayatollah’s Khomeini’s concession to the concept maslahat (expediency), through which state expressed preference for modern reason over sharia law. The case of Islamists contesting state power questions the monolithic image of Islamism drawn by Bayat as movements longing to create a state based on the doctrine of velāyat-e faqih. Also Khomeini’s concession to maslahat indicates that the Islamic state must be seen as one of the participants in “post”-Islamist secularizing trends in Iran. Hence, Bayat’s post-Islamism was more of an inevitable political phenomenon adopted by the state itself than a conscious project adopted by Muslim secularist intellectual figures seeking to put an end to Islamism. Unlike Bayat’s post-Islamism, which celebrates the end or a “break” from an Islamist paradigm, this article then invites readers to expose Islamism to post-modern critique, the result of which would not be a negation but rather a revival of Islamism that takes into account the contingencies of the post-modern condition. Similar to post-Marxism and post-anarchism, post-Islamism maintains the ethos of the traditional canon, Islamism in this case, while rejecting its authoritarian and universalist tendencies. A post-Islamist politics has yet to emerge, yet its introductory philosophical foundations have been already developed in the 1990s by figures such as Abdolkarism Soroush and Morteza Avini. Soroush’s post-Islamism, however, ultimately landed in a modernist liberal episteme, hence remained Islamist, while Avini, despite his support for the state, offered a much more radical critique of Islamism while remaining faithful to its ethos.

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