scholarly journals Russian foreign policy and Russian-Serbian relations

Napredak ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Bocan-Harčenko

The article outlines the basic principles of Russian foreign policy and traces their implementation in the context of the strategic partnership between Russia and Serbia. In 2020, the world celebrates related jubilees, the 75th anniversary of the Victory in the Second World War and the establishment of the UN. Russia, as one of the principal architects of the World Organization, advocates the strengthening of the UN central role in international affairs and fostering a polycentric and fair world order based on the rule of international law, primarily the UN Charter. Harmonization of integration processes in various parts of the world is essential. To that end, President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin introduced the initiative of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Conscious of its special responsibility for maintaining peace and security, Russia is committed to promoting political and diplomatic settlement of crises and working with all interested countries in order to build a global common space of equal and indivisible security and strategic stability. Russia aims at further dynamic development of mutually beneficial cooperation with Serbia across a wide range of fields. A trust-based high-level political dialogue plays the decisive role. Russian stance on the Kosovo settlement remains unchanged and is based on UN SC Resolution 1244.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 438-447
Author(s):  
Anatoly V. Tsvyk ◽  
Konstantin P. Kurylev

This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.


Author(s):  
Makar Taran

Both at the level of political ideology and in the practical sphere, the American strategy of China’s engagement was a part of a global construction of a new architecture of the world order, based on the liberal-democratic political values but at the same time in line with American leadership. The engagement was in many ways reminiscent of Obama’s strategy of «reset» in relations with Russia, especially in terms of achieving qualitative domestic political changes through dialogue and cooperation. However, the conceptualization of the Trump’s administration China’ policy approaches led to some radical revisions of the American philosophy of international cooperation were made. The objectives of the proposed paper aligned with answering the following research questions: What was wrong with the U.S. engagement strategy toward China evolved over the past decades? What are the implications of the U.S. China policy for Taiwan as well as the world at large (comparing with impact on U.S. policy towards Russia and its regional behavior regarding to Ukraine)? Will engagement be restarted or drastically reevaluated? The methods we employed to do the research: comparative case study that is widely using in International Security studies analyzing issue within a situation or framework. Another method of qualitative methodology approach is a thematic analysis method. The scientific novelty. Assuming that the model of cooperative engagement has largely exhausted itself in terms of the strategic objectives of each party we also emphasize that the model has led to the erosion of the possibility of critical US influence on key regions of the world. Conclusions. It is somewhat paradoxical that a result of US cooperative approaches has brought about greater vulnerability of US formal and informal allies. Chinese and Russian foreign policy strategies have not changed significantly, and have attached even more on the main objects of a kind of historical revenge – Taiwan and Ukraine. Chinese and Russian foreign policy values in terms of waning «Western influences» have grown into offensive political realism. Which, in particular, was generated of sensitivity to the growing US influence in the post-bipolar world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 463-475
Author(s):  
Lada V. Kochtcheeva

The world faces a strategic challenge of reforming the governance basis of international politics, which is displaying the symptoms of significant destabilization, searching for new ways of crafting nuanced equilibria of interests and capacity at the global, regional, and domestic levels. Developing intricate and adaptable formulas to manage individual facets of international engagement is becoming increasingly complex and volatile. The effects of instability vary in different countries, but the global operational and political space is increasingly determined by problems within countries, where external stress becomes a result of domestic discrepancies, aggravating them and producing a set of contradictions. In the context of profound global transformations, what explains Russia’s status and positioning in the world? This article argues that as states are struggling to adapt to new realities and acquire capabilities in an effort to survive or gain more influence, Russia’s standing will depend on how adequately it can respond to the challenges and how effectively it will be able to use its advantages. Russia should not simply take in the results of global turbulence, but rather employ and actively develop areas of leadership and collaboration, by tying foreign policy firmly to the priorities of domestic development. While Russia conducts an active foreign policy consistently defending its interests and combining efforts to find optimal solutions to many contemporary problems, it has not yet arrived at a coherent security strategy or produced a vision of a future world order. The success may depend on understanding of the current trends, recognizing opportunities and demonstrating leadership, willingness to share in responsibility for results, as well as conducting essential domestic reforms.


Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 116-122
Author(s):  
Sadeghi Elham Mir Mohammad ◽  
Ahmad Vakhshitekh

The article considers and analyses the basic principles and directions of Russian foreign policy activities during the presidency of V.V. Putin from the moment of his assumption of the post of head of state to the current presidential term. The authors determine the basic principles of Russia's foreign policy in the specified period and make the assessment to them. The study uses materials from publications of both Russian and foreign authors, experts in the field of political science, history and international relations, as well as documents regulating the foreign policy activities of the highest state authorities. The paper considers the process of forming the priorities of Russia's foreign policy both from the point of view of accumulated historical experience and continuity of the internal order, and in parallel with the processes of transformation of the entire system of international relations and the world order. The article notes the multi-vector nature of Russia's foreign policy strategy aimed at developing multilateral interstate relations, achieving peace and security in the interstate arena, actively countering modern challenges and threats to interstate security, as well as the formation of a multipolar world. The authors conclude that at present, Russia's foreign policy activity is aimed at strengthening Russia's prestige, supporting economic growth and competitiveness, ensuring security and implementing national interests. Internal political reforms contribute to strengthening the political power of the President of the Russian Federation and increasing the efficiency of foreign policy decision-making.


1978 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel S. Kim

This paper makes a macro-inquiry into Chinese global politics by defining and elaborating the Chinese image and strategy of world order within a normative framework. Empirical data and behavioral referents in the paper are largely drawn from Chinese multilateral diplomacy in the global community during the first half-decade (1971–1976) of Chinese participation in UN. Such a normative-globalist paradigm has a heuristic value in interpreting more broadly China's global policy and its impact on the evolving process of creating a more just and humane world order. The paper argues that the interactions between China and the world organization have, on the whole, been positive and that the relationship between the two has been one of mutual adjustment and mutual legitimization, with the resulting enhancement of each other's symbolic capability. By way of conclusion, the paper draws, in a tentative and speculative manner, some broad policy implications of the post-Mao leadership.


Author(s):  
A. Devyatkov ◽  
A. Makarychev

The article analyzes the contours of today’s German “Eastern policy” and its interconnection with the Russian-German “strategic partnership”. The authors come to a conclusion, that German “Eastern policy” is embedded not only in the context of (geo)economic interests, but to the same extent in the context of European and Euro-Atlantic solidarity. The format of bilateral “strategic partnership” resolves only a part of Russian foreign policy tasks, without developing multilateral initiatives, which would involve other key actors, like Poland, and would be more productive for realization of Russian interests in Europe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 932-950
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vyacheslavovich Emelyanov

Every few decades, the world order changes due to various geopolitical, economic and other circumstances. For example, as a result of globalization, the world order has undergone significant changes in the last forty years. Globalization has led to the destruction of the postwar world order, as well as to world leadership by the United States and the West. However, in recent decades, as a result of globalization, the U.S. and the West began to cede their leadership to developing countries, so there is now a change in the economic structure of relations in the world system. Today the center of economic growth is in the East, namely in Asia. There are no new superpowers in the world at the moment, but the unipolar world will cease to exist due to the weakening of the U. S. leadership, which will lead to a change in the world order. A new leader, which may replace the U. S., will not have as wide range of advantages as the USA has. Most likely, the essence of the new order will be to unite the largest countries and alliances into blocks, for example, the USA together with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the EU, etc. The article outlines forecasts of GDP growth rates as well as the global energy outlook; analyzes the LNG market as well as the impact of the pandemic on the global oil and gas market; and lists the characteristics of U. S. geopolitics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Andrew M. Akin

An ever-growing body of scholarship on Russian foreign policy focuses attention to redefining concepts such as sovereignty and power. Aggressive and successful Russian foreign policy initiatives in the last decade give urgency and relevancy to such initiatives, from invading Georgia to deploying an aircraft carrier to support ground operations in Syria. While these proactive Russian foreign policies may characterize a reclamation of Russia’s great power status in the international community, I argue that the goal of Russia’s foreign policy is to create a new system, not beholden to the u.s.-led Western world. By undermining the legitimacy of Western style democracy and pushing the boundaries of existing norms in the international community, Russian President Vladimir Putin offers a new construct for international relations: the polycentric world order. Using Role Theory, I discuss the domestic and international pressures on the Russian state to create its identity and the evolution of Russian roles in previous international systems. Formal leader statements and official policy documents provide evidence of the changing roles Russia plays in the international arena, while role theory provides an explanatory context for the purpose of new Russian foreign policy.


This book brings together international relations scholars, political theorists, and historians to reflect on the intellectual history of American foreign policy since the late nineteenth century. It offers a nuanced and multifaceted collection of essays covering a wide range of concerns, concepts, presidential doctrines, and rationalities of government thought to have marked America’s engagement with the world during this period: nation-building, exceptionalism, isolationism, modernisation, race, utopia, technology, war, values, the ‘clash of civilisations’ and many more.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan M. Bonow ◽  
Peter Japsen ◽  
Paul F. Green ◽  
James A. Chalmers

<p>Many passive continental margins around the world are characterised by elevated plateaus at 1 to 2 km or more above sea level cut by deeply incised valleys and commonly separated from an adjacent coastal plain by one or more escarpments. Mesozoic–Cenozoic rift systems parallel to the coast are commonly present offshore with a transition from continental to oceanic crust further offshore. These landscapes occur in arctic, temperate and tropical climate and in different geological settings independent of the time span since break-up (e.g. along the Atlantic from south to north).</p><p>The plateaux are typically more than 100 km wide, much larger in some cases, and extend hundreds of kilometres along the margin, cutting across bedrock of different ages and resistances. The key to understanding the formation of regional, low-relief erosion surfaces is the base-level, as this is the level to which fluvial systems grade the landscape. The most likely base level is sea level, particularly for locations along continental margins during the post-rift development of passive margins.</p><p>It is commonly assumed that the characteristic, large-scale morphology of elevated, passive continental margins with  high-level plateaux and deeply incised valleys persisted since rifting and crustal separation Further, it is assumed that the absence of post-rift sediments is evidence of non-deposition, despite continental-stretching theory predicting deposition of a thick post-rift sequence overlying both the rift and its margins.</p><p>However, our studies of the passive continental margins of West and East Greenland, Norway, NE Brazil and southern Africa provide evidence of km-scale, post-rift subsidence and that the plateau surfaces were graded to sea level long after break-up and subsequently lifted to their present elevations. In some of these cases, the presence of post-rift marine sediments at high elevation provide direct proof of this interpretation. Since elevated plateaux cut by deeply incised valleys are a characteristic feature of these and other margins, this similarity suggests that such topography elsewhere in the world may also be unrelated to the processes of rifting and continental separation. We present a wide range of evidence from passive margins around the world in support of this hypothesis,</p><p> </p><p>Bonow et al. 2014: High-level landscapes along the margin of East Greenland – a record of tectonic uplift and incision after breakup in the NE Atlantic. Global and Planetary Change.</p><p>Green et al. 2018: Post-breakup burial and exhumation of passive continental margins: Seven propositions to inform geodynamic models. Gondwana Research.</p><p>Japsen et al. 2019: Elevated passive continental margins: Numerical modeling vs observations. A comment on Braun (2018). Gondwana Research.</p>


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