scholarly journals Governing the tap: special district governance and the new local politics of water

2010 ◽  
Vol 47 (09) ◽  
pp. 47-5327-47-5327
2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-107
Author(s):  
Megan Mullin

In his careful and generous review of my book, Henrik Selin asks why I selected responsiveness and intergovernmental coordination as dependent variables for my analysis, therefore setting aside other policy effects that special district governance might produce. This is an important question: the delegation of policy authority to autonomous, specialized governments is a significant departure from the normal politics that takes place in a multidimensional legislature and could have a variety of consequences. To the extent that special districts have received any scholarly attention, it has focused mostly on estimating how specialization affects the level of public spending. My interest lies more in the quality of governance. What do we want from representative government? Central among our goals should be policy outcomes that are responsive both to public preferences and to public problems.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-107
Author(s):  
Henrik Selin

This notable book on a little-studied but central aspect of American water politics addresses analytical issues important to a range of political science fields. It is, for example, of considerable relevance to scholars working in areas of American federalism and community politics, as well as to those who are interested in cross-cutting issues of public administration and policy fragmentation, public and private stakeholder participation and democracy, and multilevel governance. In Governing the Tap, Megan Mullin analyzes the institutional context and means through which local public services are provided, the governance structures that shape policy outcomes and how they are able to meet developing community goals, and the ways in which specialized structures fit into the complex political landscape of city, county, state, and federal policymaking. Because of both its broad appeal and its own qualities, this book deserves a wide readership.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 79-135
Author(s):  
Roderick M Hills ◽  
David Schleicher

Abstract Transferable Development Rights (TDRs) were supposed to be a solution to the intractable problems of land use, a bit of institutional design magic that married the interests of development and preservation at no cost to taxpayers and with no legal risk. Under a TDR program, development is limited or barred on properties targeted for preservation or other regulatory goals, but owners of those lots are allowed to sell their unused development rights to other property owners. In theory, this allows the same amount of development to occur while preserving favored uses without tax subsidies or constitutional challenges. Reviewing their use over the past fifty years, this Article shows that the traditional justifications for TDRs do not work. In practice, TDRs are not necessary to avoid takings litigation, are not costless to taxpayers, and do not balance the interests of preservation and development. Instead, they serve as yet another growth control in metropolitan areas where such controls have caused housing crises and major harms to the national economy. Assessed as a technocratic tool for solving problems in land use, TDRs are a failure. But this Article shows that there is a case for TDRs not as a technocratic but rather as a political tool. By giving valuable development rights to some popular or otherwise politically influential owners of regulated property, a city can build a coalition for re-zonings that might otherwise be politically impossible. The effect of TDRs on politics can be positive to the extent that TDRs strengthen constituencies or land use goals that local politics systematically undercounts, as we show through an analysis of New York City’s Special District Transfer TDR program. In particular, TDRs could help break Not In My Back Yard opposition to new housing by building a competing pro-growth coalition. More generally, using TDRs as an example, the Article shows how land use law is the creator as well as creature of local politics. Existing property law helps cement anti-development coalitions, but savvy leaders could use moments in power to create stable pro-growth coalitions by enacting new laws that help mobilize new pro-growth constituencies. Understanding these “constituency effects” of land use law allows policymakers to redesign entitlements like TDRs to produce a healthier land use policies.


Author(s):  
M. Allaire ◽  
A. Dinar

AbstractWater pricing is a demand management strategy to address the looming challenge of greater water scarcity in arid regions. Much of the literature on residential water rates focuses on evaluating the impact of pricing on household conservation. A separate, but rarely addressed question is what motivates a water utility to select a particular rate structure and the timing of doing so. We assess utilities’ decisions to adopt pro-conservation rate structures, such as increasing block rates and water budget rates. We develop a conceptual model of utility decision-making regarding the transition to pro-conservation rates and apply it to California.We examine the relationship between rate adoption and characteristics of utilities and customers using logistic regression and a balanced panel dataset of 323 California water systems from 2006-2015. We find a notable shift towards pro-conservation rates, which 71% of California utilities had by 2015, compared to 44% in 2006. Capacity factors associated with adoption include size of service population and customer income level, while motivating factors include peer adoption, greater customer engagement, and special district governance. Overall, this study provides insight into barriers to pro-conservation pricing, which can inform policies to enable transitions and advance conservation goals.


Author(s):  
John C. Bollens ◽  
John C. Bollens ◽  
John M. Gaus

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