The city lost and found: capturing New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles, 1960-1980

2015 ◽  
Vol 52 (10) ◽  
pp. 52-5146-52-5146
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Robertson Wojcik

Cinema and the city are historically interrelated. The rise of cinema followed on the heels of urbanization and industrialization, and early cinema production and exhibition was largely urban. Moreover, the city has proved to be a rich and diverse cinematic setting and subject. Early cinema recorded scenes of urban life in actuality, melodrama, and City Symphonies. Gangster films, German expressionism, and Film Noir rendered an urban underworld; the musical and romantic comedy produced a more utopian view of the city; and art cinema rendered the everyday reality of urban life. Recent films imagine dystopic post-urban settings and, alternately, megacities populated by superheroes. The relationship between the cinema and the city can be examined in numerous ways. In part, cinema provides an urban archive or memory bank that reflects changes in the urban landscape. At the same time, cinema serves to produce the city, both literally—in the way that film production shapes Los Angeles, Mumbai, Rome, Hong Kong, and other centers of production—and also by producing an imaginary urbanism through the construction of both fantasy urban spaces and ideas and ideals of the city. Theorists suggest that there is an inherent urbanism to cinema. Kracauer 1997 (cited under General Overviews) claims the city, and especially the street, as exemplary and essential cinematic space, attuned to the experience of contingency, flow, and indeterminacy linked to modernity. Hansen 1999 (also cited under General Overviews) suggests that cinema worked as a kind of vernacular modernism to articulate and mediate the experience of modernity—and especially urbanization. More recently, attention to theories of space and urbanism across the academy have generated broad interest in cinematic urbanism. Much of this work brings film scholars into conversation with urban planners, geographers, and architects. Of course neither cinema nor the city is singular. Thus work on the city and film must attend to multiple global cities at different historical periods and, furthermore, consider that cinema produces multiple versions of even a single city, such as New York, as different narratives, genres, studios, directors, and individual films will each produce a different city. Some books and articles tangentially examine films set in cities. This article will include only those texts that have the urban sphere as a primary focus of their investigation.


STORIA URBANA ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 69-92
Author(s):  
Joseph F.C. DiMento

- This essay examines the decision-making process that led to the building of the freeways and highways that cross metropolitan areas in the USA, focusing on the cases of Syracuse, New York; Memphis, Tennessee; and Los Angeles, California. There are many decisions concerning transportation that affect urban areas, but the most import of them have to do with state highways and interstates. This essay focuses on the phases and the events that led to the cities' decisions on the highways that cross urban centers. These decisions were laden with serious consequences on the formation, growth, and decline of various models of urban development. The sources of information consist mainly of interviews and investigations, archival records and statistics. The cases examined lead us to believe that the fate of cities in this area mostly depen- ded on powers beyond their control tied in with transportation. In any case, the decisions in each case are not analogous to those of other cases. The outcomes in each city depended on phenomena that interact with each other and depend on particular moments in history and on changeable factors, such as the chance to obtain federal and state funding, the set up of the environmental laws, and the specific philosophies of governmental administrations on fiscal questions and on how to maintain the city centers vital.


2020 ◽  
pp. 25-62
Author(s):  
Travis D. Stimeling

Country music was recorded in Nashville as early as the 1920s, but it was not until the mid-1950s that the city became a significant center for the production of recorded country music. This chapter traces the development of Nashville’s recording studio infrastructure from ad hoc facilities used in the decade following the end of World War II to the mid-1970s, when the city was home to several state-of-the-art permanent recording facilities. This chapter not only explores the business of recording in Nashville, but also examines how new technologies that were deployed within the city’s recording studios changed the ways in which musicians created their work (Horning 2013). Finally, this chapter considers how trade publications, the mainstream press, and films promoted Nashville as both a state-of-the-art recording center and a relaxed, small-town alternative to urban recording industries in New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles.


Author(s):  
Amy C. Beal

This chapter looks at Bley's first few years in New York. She was most likely eighteen years old when she arrived in the city but it is not clear exactly when Bley first got there. New to the city, she slept temporarily in Grand Central Station and then paid for an inexpensive hotel room near Times Square. She then began working at the jazz clubs Basin Street and Birdland. Shortly after turning twenty-one, during the summer of 1957, she officially changed her name to Carla Borg and started composing regularly. Carla Bley was further encouraged by musicians in Los Angeles. But perhaps most important, her encounter with Charlie Haden marked the start of a lifelong friendship, one that has resulted in some of the most innovative recordings ever made by large jazz ensembles, namely, the Liberation Music Orchestra projects beginning in 1969.


1996 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-167
Author(s):  
Daniel Kryder

No ceremonies marked the fiftieth anniversary of the wartime riots in New York, Los Angeles, Beaumont, Detroit, and Mobile. American political culture, if not recent historical analysis, continues to associate “the Good War” with national unity rather than unrest. But race tension was palpable to contemporaries. For example, ten months prior to Pearl Harbor and six months before a deadly shoot-out between black soldiers and white military policemen occurred in Fayetteville, North Carolina, that town had already earned the nickname “Uncle Sam's Powder Keg.” Less than ten miles from the city lay Fort Bragg, the nation's largest army camp, and visitors sensed a “seething undercurrent” of race friction coursing through the camp and the city. Thousands of black artillery trainees visited the downtown area each week, drinking and milling about in the streets. Because very few establishments welcomed their business, there was little else for them to do. A cab driver, asked about the city's hostile mood, replied that “the trouble is not ‘Is there trouble,’ but ‘What kind of trouble is it going to be and when is it going to pop?’” Similar questions animate this research, which explores the relationship between the Second World War mobilization and War Department practices and policies, on the one hand, and racial confrontations and violence involving soldiers, on the other.


2005 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 511-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
TIMOTHY J. MINCHIN

On 30 November 1978 thousands of people from across the United States took part in “Justice for J. P. Stevens' Workers Day.” In seventy-four cities activities such as rallies, marches, press conferences, film premieres, and leafleting were held in support of a union boycott against a giant textile company that had persistently shown its willingness to violate the law rather than recognize its workers' right to organize. In New York City more than 3000 demonstrators marched in front of the company's midtown headquarters as part of the nationwide day of protest that was endorsed by Governor Hugh L. Carey and the City Council. In Los Angeles hundreds of trade unionists and their supporters rallied in front of City Hall, while in Indianapolis protesters gathered at the local Hilton Hotel for a “hard times luncheon” of ham and beans that was designed to express solidarity with the company's low-paid workers. Finding that the hotel's table cloths were made by Stevens, enraged protesters ripped the fabrics from the tables and dumped them in a pile on the floor. Activities were also held in many smaller cities; in Albany, New York, for example, a rally was addressed by Secretary of State and Lieutenant Governor-elect Mario Cuomo, who told consumers “to shun the products of J. P. Stevens as you would shun the fruit of an unholy tree.” Across the country, protesters carried signs urging consumers to steer clear of the company's sheets, a staple part of its textile business.


Author(s):  
Trippe Micah

This essay examines skateboarding as an architectural act of pleasure that allows private spaces in cities to be appropriated for alternative uses. In particular, the appropriation of swimming pools by skateboarders will be explored, from the renegade to the officially sanctioned, to explore socio-political aspects of space. The film Dogtown and Z-Boys (Stacy Peralta, 2001) provides a primary source for this examination, and will be used as a vehicle through which to examine these issues, particularly in Los Angeles. Recent appropriations of swimming pools in New York will provide a secondary reference. In Dogtown and Z-Boys , swimming pools form a playground in which skaters in 1970s Los Angeles re-appropriated urban space for their own use. This paper will argue that the appropriation of swimming pools by skateboarders has provided a viable venue for alternative uses of the city that include both play and dissent. By framing the history of swimming pools in late 20 th century America, a case will be presented for how skateboarders’ appropriation of swimming pools in 1970s Los Angeles can provide clues to continual opportunities for alternative configurations and uses of twenty-first century urban space.


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