scholarly journals Hegel, the Struggle for Recognition, and Robots

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-157
Author(s):  
Nolen Gertz ◽  

While the mediational theories of Don Ihde and Peter-Paul Verbeek have helped to uncover the role that technologies play in ethical life, the role that technologies play in political life has received far less attention. In order to fill in this gap, I turn to the mediational theory of Hegel. Hegel shows how understanding the mediated nature of experience is vital to understanding the development of political life. Through examples found in the military, in particular concerning the relationship between explosive ordnance detonation (EOD) soldiers and robots, I illustrate how Hegel’s analysis of the “struggle for recognition” can be used to understand human-technology relations from a political perspective. This political perspective can consequently help us to appreciate how technologies come to have a role in political life through our ability to experience solidarity with technology. Solidarity is experienced by users due to the recognition of technologies as serving roles in society that I describe as functionally equivalent to the social roles of the user. The realization of this functional equivalence allows users to learn how they are perceived and respected by society through the experience of how functionally equivalent technologies are perceived and respected. I conclude by focusing on the importance of understanding functional equivalence in design, as well as in the case of the Dallas Police Department having turned an EOD robot from a life-saving to a life-taking device. These examples show why Hegel is necessary for helping us to understand the political significance of recognizing and of misrecognizing technologies.

Author(s):  
Adam Wray

Darren O’Donnell (b. 1965) is a writer, director, actor, playwright, and designer, and the artistic director of the highly decorated Mammalian Diving Reflex. My study is focused on his work in social acupuncture, outlined in his Social Acupuncture: A guide to suicide, performance, and utopia (2006). Social acupuncture is a style of theatre/performance art that “blurs the line between art and life,”impelling people to come together in unusual ways and tap into the power of the social sphere. With social acupuncture, O’Donnell and Mammalian Diving Reflex are striving to create an aesthetic of civic engagement: an avenue through which social edifices like public space, schools, and the media can be used as the armature for the mounting of work that “takes modest glances at simple power dynamics and, for a moment, provides a glimpse of other possibilities.” Mammalian Diving Reflex began their exploration of the form in the summer of 2003 with The Talking Creature, and since then have devised and performed almost two‐ dozen similar “needles” worldwide.Social acupuncture warrants examination not only from a socio‐ political perspective, but through a theatrical lens, as well. It probes the relationship between audience and performer, raises questions about theatre’s ability to keep up with other media in the digital age, and offers tremendous insight into the potential for positive, fruitful intersections between art and civil society.  My project will include theoretical examination of O’Donnell’s work, as well as practical exploration of the form’s potential.


Author(s):  
Weigang Chen

The increasing salience of cultural conflicts in the post-Cold War era brings the problem of peripheral justice, defined as the equal attainment of social justice, to the center of current debates on globalization. Specifically, they force us to directly confront the toughest challenge posed by the Weberian tradition: If the principles of justice and equality are beyond the peculiarity of the Occidental civilization, how then may we give a full explanation as to why in the West-and only in the West-the ideal of public reasoning by private people has been materialized? The present study seeks to address this fundamental challenge by drawing on the Marxist tradition of public hegemony developed by Confucian Marxists and Gramsci. I argue that at the core of the problem of peripheral justice is an intrinsic linkage between Eurocentricism and the liberal paradigm of "civil society." The prospect of equal justice, therefore, hinges on the development of a new conception of the "social" that reverses the liberal interpretation of the relationship between bourgeois subjectivity and the "social" and derives from the primacy of the ethical life for social formation.


This paper gains a better understanding of the relation between Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR) officers and citizens from Évora and Setúbal districts. Currently, boost the relationship between militaries and the population it´s a strategic goal of Guarda Nacional Republicana, namely work to convey a credible and professional image, contrasting with the social representations and old stereotypes that persist in haunting the institution's image from the times of the Estado Novo. In fact, through literature review, surveys and interviews we were able to understand how the social representations of Guarda Nacional Republicana militaries have evolved since the beginning of the 21st century in the districts mentioned above, that is, investigate the opinion and representation of the society about the militaries by carrying out a comparative study. As main conclusions, we point out that the social representation of Guarda Nacional Republicana officers have evolved quite positively since the beginning of the 21st century to the present day, leading us to conclude also that the old stereotype (strongly negative for the image of the military) is almost completely depleted. The study’s conclusions also point towards the importance of culture and values, age, ethnicity, and place of residence of the citizens have in relationship and opinion with this professional class.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-250
Author(s):  
Charles Butterworth

This is a "work in progress" presentation based on mearch I am nowconducting about the development of Islamic political philosophy duringthe classical period of Islam. My contention is that a better understandingof that tradition puts the current debate about Islamic fundamentalism orresurgence into a new perspective. Behind the sensational, popular demandsfor greater adherence to the strictures of the revealed law of Islamlies an issue of fundamental importance: how divine revelation is to beunderstd and interpreted for political guidance. Those who developedIslamic political philosophy spoke directly to this issue and did so in amanner that merits the attention of contemporary Muslim activists, scholarsinterested in Islam, and thoughtful human beings in general. Theythought clearly about the relationship between religious belief andpolitical practice because they addressed the issue ditectly and withoutpreconceptions. Consequently, whatever our religious and cultural origins,we can benefit greatly from their teaching.One of my goals is to refocus current social science scholarship whileengaging Muslim scholars in debate on topics they deem urgent. Lately,there have been many, perhaps too many, reports and prognostics concerningthe success of resurgent Islam as well as the challenges it posesto Middle Eastern and western regimes. Such studies invariably talkabout, rather than with, those calling for greater attention to Islamic preceptsand practices; they presuppose and reinforce an attitude of "us" and"our valued' vetSUS "them" and "their values." Such a posture not onlyfosters antagonism and misunderstanding, it also ignores the way Muslimsare now addressing this complex phenomenon.Indeed, for almost a decade, Muslims trained in the West have beeninvestigating how western learning, especially the social sciences, illuminatestraditional Islamic sciences and vice versa. This task addresses, atthe highest level, the issue behind the call for application of the Shari'ahand offers the best Contemporary possibility of achieving some kind ofintercultural understanding. It offers those interested in western and Islamicculture a unique opportunity to delve mare deeply into another cultureand thereby understand the other and their own culture better.Another goal is to investigate how philosophers within the classicalperiod of Islam understood revelation and its outward manifestationprophecy-to influence political life. While mast scholars recognize the ...


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-224
Author(s):  
Aurelia Teodora Drăghici ◽  
Adina Eleonora Spînu

Abstract According to its purpose, statute and powers well defined in the Constitution, the Romanian Army can defend only the interests of the Romanian nation which has defined, in time, its place and role in society. It is well known that the Military institution has represented a main component of the social and political life during our whole evolution of the Romanian State and the existence of the Romanian nation was always circumcised by its presence. The officer`s body and the hole army played a vital role in promoting the ideas of national interest, especially in the last one and a half century. To thisit is added the high value of the defense function and of the military institution, which played a special role in the risen credibility of the army throughout the civil society, considering all the threats that the Romanian nation and State had faced.


2010 ◽  
Vol 35 (113) ◽  
pp. 361
Author(s):  
Erick C. de Lima

A freqüência com que a crítica hegeliana ao suposto formalismo da ética kantiana tem retornado em diversas ramificações da discussão éticopolítica contemporânea, em especial a partir da década de 1970, cria um ensejo oportuno para um reexame da primeira tentativa de Hegel de “superar” a filosofia prática de Kant: o programa arquitetado em Frankfurt, baseado no conceito de amor e que, graças a este embasamento, realça o sentido “comunitário” da Aufhebung do ponto de vista moral na “eticidade”. Pretende-se aqui, primeiramente, resgatar aspectos gerais da relação entre as investigações do jovem Hegel e a crítica ao idealismo kantiano-fichteano. Em seguida, partido do arcabouço geral da interpretação hegeliana do cristianismo, a intenção é interpretar a crítica da moral deontológica a partir do conceito de amor em Geist des Christentums.Abstract: With the profound renewal of political philosophy that happened since the 1970s, the objection of “empty formalism” directed by Hegel against Kant’s moral theory has been returning to the contemporary philosophical debate over the moral foundations of the political community. This fact raises interest in Hegel’s first attempt to overcome Kant’s practical philosophy: the project of a radical critique of deontological ethics that he planned in Frankfurt and was based on the concept of love, whose inherently intersubjective character underlines the social significance of what Hegel later conceived as the Aufhebung of the moral point of view in ethical life. Firstly, this paper aims to outline Hegel’s early critique of the Kantian-Fichtean idealism in the light of his historical philosophical investigations in Tübingen, Bern and Frankfurt. The second part is an attempt to reexamine the relationship between Hegel’s conception of love and his critique of deontological morality, as it is presented in Geist des Christentums.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Ahmad Afandi

Tulisan ini menggambarkan tentang terjadinya peristiwa G 30 septemberyang sempat mengguncang kehidupan politik Indonesia yang berakibat pula terhadap kehidupan sosial, ekonomi dan budaya masyarakat Indonesia, khususnya di Daerah Nusa Tenggara Barat yaitu Desa Labuhan Haji Kecamatan Labuhan Haji Kabupaten Lombok Timur ikut merasakan dampak dari peristiwa G 30 september tahun 1965. Sebelum terjadinya G 30 September masyarakat Labuhan Haji pernah melakukan hubungan sosial, ekonomi dan budaya dengan Etnis Cina, hubungan tersebut tidak berjalan lama, pada tahun 1965 para pengusaha Cina diusir secara paksa oleh masyarakat Lombok, karena dianggap sebagai antek PKI, hal ini disebabkan karena di Negara Cina berkembang partai Komunis. Karena adanya peristiwa G 30 september tahun 1965 para pengusaha Cina yang ada di Desa Labuhan Haji di curigai   sebagai   antek   PKI   dan   diusir   dari   daerah   Labuhan   Haji   yang mengakibatkan terpuruknya kehidupan masyarakat Labuhan Haji dan sekitarnya khususnya masyarakat Desa Labuhan Haji. This paper describes the occurrence of the events of G 30 September which had shook the Indonesian political life that also affected the social, economic and cultural life of Indonesian people, especially in West Nusa Tenggara, Labuhan Haji, Labuhan Haji Sub-District, East Lombok Regency, felt the impact of the September 30, 1965 G. events. September Labuhan Haji community once conducted social, economic and cultural relations with the Ethnic Chinese, the relationship did not go long, in 1965 Chinese businessmen were forcibly expelled by Lombok society, because it is considered as PKI's henchman, this is because in the developing Chinese Party Communist. Because of the events of G 30 September 1965 the Chinese businessmen in Labuhan Haji Village were suspected of being PKI's henchmen and expelled from Labuhan Haji area which resulted in the decline of Labuhan Haji and surrounding communities, especially the people of Labuhan Haji Village.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bogdan Vukomanović

The processes of neoliberalization and European integration in Serbia have been underway for some time, and in addition to their effect on certain elements of the social structure such as the family, the economy, political life etc., their impact is also evident in the way that Serbian citizens perceive themselves and their position in this environment. Due to reduced social protection, the withdrawal of the state from the public sphere, and increasing financial and employment insecurity, individuals are obliged to assume responsibility for their lives and to engage in self-improvement with the aim of personal development and the finding of new survival strategies. Through interviews with psychotherapists and persons who have used the services of private psychotherapy, this paper looks at the relationship between private psychotherapeutic practice in Belgrade as a technique for self-improvement and the construction of the self in its clients, and then relates it to the broader socio-economic context in which the respondents live and work. The findings suggest that with regard to its clients, private psychotherapeutic practice mirrors the emphasis on independence, autonomy and responsibility for one's life and life decisions, which are typical features of the entrepreneurial self characteristic of the period of post-socialist neoliberalization.


1977 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. J. Dingwall

ABSTRACTThis paper takes up three particular themes in the historical development of the present pattern of social service provision in the United Kingdom and argues that existing accounts are somewhat misleading in their treatment of these issues. The three themes are the relationship between collectivism and individualism in social policy legislation and practice, the influence of centre and periphery in British political life and, to a lesser extent, the occupational roles available to women in the social services. These questions are examined through a study of the history of health visiting. It is argued that the fluctuating fortunes of the health visiting service allow us to see more clearly the changing influence of collectivist and individualist philosophies on government policy and the degrees to which definitions of problems and possible solutions have either been imported from the national periphery to the national centre or vice versa. Insufficient attention has been given to the defeat of metropolitan individualist philosophies by the peripherally-based public health movement at the beginning of the twentieth century and to the conditions which have led to their subsequent re-emergence and the waning influence of collectivist approaches.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-491
Author(s):  
Arthur Bueno

This paper discusses the relationship between Axel Honneth?s intersubjective theory of recognition and his political theory of democratic ethical life by addressing the potentials and difficulties attached to the notion of social pathology. Taking into account the diverse uses of this concept throughout Honneth?s oeuvre, it focuses initially on two of its formulations: first, the more recent discussions presented in ?The Diseases of Society?, some of which can be read in continuity with arguments presented in Freedom?s Right; second, an implicit conception of social pathology that can be found in Struggle for Recognition. These formulations involve contrastingly different premises with regard to phenomenological, methodological, social-ontological and etiological matters. I argue that such differences can be better grasped if one bears in mind two distinctive ways of understanding the fundamental intuition at the basis of the notion of social pathology: either as an analogy or as a homology. By disclosing the actual or potential discrepancies between both conceptions, the aim is to outline the grounds on which they could be brought together within the framework of a comprehensive concept. With this purpose, I then critically examine a third conception of social pathology which was first presented in Suffering from Indeterminacy and later developed, with some restrictions, in Freedom?s Right. Finally, a definition of social pathology is suggested which can bring together the different contributions of each conception while avoiding their pitfalls.


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