Die Stadtverwaltung Mülheim an der Ruhr im Nationalsozialismus

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kyra Sontacki
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Fire Department ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Daily Work ◽  
Town Council ◽  
Work Routine

There is plenty of information about the impacts of National Socialism, but the municipal administrative authorities of Mülheim an der Ruhr and its employees have so far been neglected in this regard. This book points out how National Socialism had an influence on the tasks and the daily work routine of the town’s administration. It also shows how the political circumstances of the time impacted on the employees’ lives and their decisions. The book presents the résumés of three very different mayors, the National Socialist head of the fire department, a Jewish teacher as well as a supposedly quintessential town council employee.

NO INNER REMIGRATION: MARTIN HEIDEGGER, ERNST JÜNGER, AND THE EARLY FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 661-679 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL MORAT
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Martin Heidegger ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Political ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Allied Occupation ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Socialist Movement

Martin Heidegger and Ernst Jünger rightly count among the signal examples of intellectual complicity with National Socialism. But after supporting the National Socialist movement in its early years, they both withdrew from political activism during the 1930s and considered themselves to be in “inner emigration” thereafter. How did they react to the end of National Socialism, to the Allied occupation and finally to the foundation of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949? Did they abandon their stance of seclusion and engage once more with political issues? Or did they persist in their withdrawal from the political sphere? In analyzing the intellectual relationship of Heidegger and Jünger after 1945, the article reevaluates the assumption of a “deradicalization” (Jerry Muller) of German conservatism after the Second World War by showing that Heidegger's and Jünger's postwar positions were no less radical than their earlier thought, although their attitude towards the political sphere changed fundamentally.

scholarly journals Semantic re-evaluation in the national socialist language and its diction in the right-wing populism

XLinguae ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-330
Author(s):  
Simona Frastikova ◽  
Miroslava Najslova
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Party ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
Correct Application ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right

Language and its correct application is a prerequisite for successful communication, not least for political communication. The main determinant of the success of politicians in elections is, above all, persuasion. It plays an important role in both direct and indirect communication of a political party with voters, and one of the frequent accompanying phenomena in a given communication is the use of language units in accordance with the corresponding ideology of the political party, which we understand in a broader context. A typical example here is the ideology of National Socialism, where it is clear to see how certain words, through semantic re-evaluation, have lost their original meaning and acquired a new one that corresponded to the views of the ruling ideology. However, some of these words are still present in the political discourse of right-wing populists, not least in Austria. It is the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (German: Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) that applies a semantic re-evaluation of language units in its election posters, which either explicitly or implicitly reflects national socialist diction in election campaigns. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the application of semantic reevaluation during the rule of the National Socialists on selected words blood, revolution and socialism and to point out the individual linguistic references of National Socialism with contemporary right-wing populists and in their election posters.

Hitler, for Example: Registers of National Socialist Exemplarity in Contemporary Germany

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Nitzan Shoshan
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
Moral Life ◽  
Far Right ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Moral Exemplars ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
The Third Reich

Abstract This article examines whether and how the figure of Adolf Hitler in particular, and National Socialism more generally, operate as moral exemplars in today’s Germany. In conversation with similar studies about Mosely in England, Franco in Spain, and Mussolini in Italy, it seeks to advance our comparative understanding of neofascism in Europe and beyond. In Germany, legal and discursive constraints limit what can be said about the Third Reich period, while even far-right nationalists often condemn Hitler, for either the Holocaust or his military failure. Here I revise the concept of moral exemplarity as elaborated by Caroline Humphry to argue that Hitler and National Socialism do nevertheless work as contemporary exemplars, in at least three fashions: negativity, substitution, and extension. First, they stand as the most extreme markers of negative exemplarity for broad publics that understand them as illustrations of absolute moral depravity. Second, while Hitler himself is widely unpopular, Führer-substitutes such as Rudolf Hess provide alternative figures that German nationalists admire and seek to emulate. Finally, by extension to the realm of the ordinary, National Socialism introduces a cast of exemplars in the figures of loving grandfathers or anonymous fallen soldiers. The moral values for which they stand, I show, appear to be particularly significant for young nationalists. An extended, more open-ended notion of exemplarity, I conclude, can offer important insights about the lingering afterlife of fascist figures in the moral life of European nationalists today.

scholarly journals Effects of German Romanticism on National Socialist Education Policies: “Steely Romanticism”

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Murad Karasoy
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
German Romanticism ◽  
Education Students ◽  
Education Policies ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
Intellectual Foundations ◽  
The 19Th Century

National socialist education policies put into practice between 1933–1945 in Germany, has been under the influence of romanticism, which is one of the important currents in the history of German thought that began in the middle of the 19th century. Such “being under the influence” does not refer to a passive situation, but it rather means intentional “exposure” by Nazi ideologues. The meeting of Romanticism with National Socialism led to the most dramatic scenes of the history. Educational institutions, where the victims of war were trained, bipartitely fulfilled the task assigned to them regarding to ideological instrumentalism: to destroy and to be destroyed. Putting an end to both their lives own and the lives of others due to this romantic exposure, primary, secondary and higher education students have been the objects of the great catastrophe in the first half of the twentieth century. It will be possible to see the effects of German romanticism, through getting to the bottom of the intellectual foundations of the period’s tragic actions, such as burning books, redesigning the curriculum on the line of National Socialism, and preventing the dissemination of dissenting opinions by monopolizing the press. This historical research, which is conducted by examining sources like Arendt (1973), Fest (1973), Giles (1985), Bartoletti (2005), Herf (1998), Heidegger (2002), Hitler (1938), Huch (2005), Hühnerfeld (1961), Schirach (1967), Pöggeler (2002), Thomese (1923), Zimmerman (1990) aims to reveal in a scientific way that it is necessary to be careful against the extreme romantic elements in the practices of education.

scholarly journals BALANCES Y PERSPECTIVAS DEL PERITAJE ANTROPOLÓGICO: RECONOCER O BORRAR LA DIFERENCIA CULTURAL

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (11) ◽  
pp. 149
Author(s):  
Artemia Fabre Zarandona
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Daily Work ◽  
Different Cultures ◽  
Constitutional Changes

Reflexionar y discutir en general sobre los actuales cambios constitucionales en términos de los usos de los instrumentos jurídicos legales, por parte no solo de los operadores de justicia sino también de los mismos individuos y colectivos indígenas, se vuelve una tarea fundamental en nuestro quehacer. En específico para el caso que nos ocupa de los peritajes antropológicos es necesario observar los avances y retrocesos en materia de los derechos indígenas, y fundamentalmente conocer cambios en la cultura político-jurídica que estas modificaciones constitucionales hayan generado o no, en especial en los operadores de justicia, teniendo en cuenta si este instrumento es o no pertinente en la procuración e impartición de justicia. De igual forma, es pertinente preguntarnos si podemos hablar del peritaje como un instrumento que incluye la diversidad cultural en los aparatos de justicia y, por ende, que dé una respuesta edificante para los individuos y grupos con culturas diferentes en México.   SUMMARYReflecting on and generally discussing current constitutional changes in terms of uses of legal juridical instruments on the part not only of the operators of justice but also of indigenous individuals and collectives themselves has become a fundamental task within our daily work. Specifically for the case at hand regarding anthropological investigations, it is necessary not only to observe the progress made and the setbacks encountered in indigenous rights matters, but fundamentally to identify changes in the political-juridical culture that these constitutional modifications have or have not generated, especially in the operators of justice, and whether or not this instrument is pertinent in the procurement and enforcement of justice. In the same way, it is pertinent to ask ourselves whether we can talk of expert investigation as an instrument that includes cultural diversity in the justice apparatus and therefore that provides an edifying response for individuals and groups from different cultures in Mexico.

‘We Mature into a Resilient People’ Publishing House De Amsterdamsche Keurkamer

Quaerendo ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 284-304
Author(s):  
Gerard Groeneveld
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Publishing House ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Dutch Translation

AbstractDe Amsterdamsche Keurkamer, founded in 1932, was the first National Socialist publishing house in the Netherlands. Under the management of author and poet George Kettmann the firm grew to become one of the major cultural mainstays of National Socialism in Holland. Kettmann earned himself some sort of reputation in the late thirties when he brought out a Dutch translation of Hitler’s Mein Kampf. In the years of the occupation his company succeeded in defining the position and character of the ‘official’ literature ‐ ‘official’ meaning in line with National Socialist ideology.

Fritz: Nazi Propagandist

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristen Renwick Monroe
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
National Socialism ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
Nazi Regime ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Socialist Movement

This chapter showcases a Dutch collaborator named Fritz. Fritz shared many of Tony's prewar conservative opinions in favor of the monarchy and traditional Dutch values, although he was of working-class origins, unlike Tony and Beatrix, who were Dutch bourgeoisie. But unlike Beatrix or Tony, Fritz joined the Nazi Party, wrote propaganda for the Nazi cause, and married the daughter of a German Nazi. When he was interviewed in 1992, Fritz indicated he was appalled at what he later learned about Nazi treatment of Jews but that he still believed in many of the goals of the National Socialist movement and felt that Hitler had betrayed the movement. Fritz is thus classified as a disillusioned Nazi supporter who retains his faith in much of National Socialism, and this chapter is presented as illustrative of the psychology of those who once supported the Nazi regime but who were disillusioned after the war.

Political Brokers: Active Citizenship

2018 ◽  
pp. 162-187
Author(s):  
Insa Lee Koch
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Active Citizenship ◽  
Grassroots Activism ◽  
Daily Work ◽  
Community Activists ◽  
Post Industrial ◽  
Housing Estates

Chapter 6 examines what grassroots mechanisms estate residents have at their disposal to make their voices heard. Private–public partnerships and civic initiatives that address problems of disorder and crime abound on Britain’s post-industrial housing estates. The chapter argues that official expectations of ‘active citizenship’ do not fit with residents’ own understandings of grassroots activism and change. As the daily work of both community activists and locally based politicians shows, good governance from residents’ point of view is about bringing policies in line with their daily struggles for security and survival. And yet, this alternative politics—referred to as a ‘bread and butter politics’—is also vulnerable to being silenced by officials who see it as evidence of petty, even corrupt behaviour. In the absence of adequate institutional and political mechanisms that can capture people’s demands, a ‘bread and butter politics’ not only reinforces deep-seated feelings of disenchantment with the political system but also fails to translate into an agenda for sustainable change.

Spaltung und Radikalisierung. Deutschliberale und Deutschnationale 1850–1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 391-418
Author(s):  
Christian Klösch
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Biography ◽  
Petty Bourgeoisie ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
Christian Socialism ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Nationalist Parties

Division and Radicalisation. German Liberals and German Nationals 1850–1918. The developments in the 19th century laid the foundation for the spectrum of political parties that have determined the political landscape of Austria to the present day. Initially, German nationalism was shaped by a “liberal-thinking upper bourgeoisie”, but when the German National bloc broke up in the 1880s, an “aristocratically thinking petty bourgeoisie” took the lead. The political biography of Georg von Schönerer (1842–1921) reflects this development. From the remains of the German liberal ideology arose not only social democracy and Christian socialism but a German national “right wing”, economically liberal and state-supporting, and a “left wing”, ethnic, racist and anti-Semitic. These wings overlapped in many ways and their proponents often changed positions. Ultimately, Austrian German nationalist parties laid the ideological foundation upon which in the 20th century National Socialism built its ideology.

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