Black Woman Museum Activism "From Inside": Theorizing a Twenty-First Century Decolonization Movement Within the Colonial U.S. Museum

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Fabiola Vatel

What are the constitutive features of a transnational African women contemporary visual artist resistance movement from inside the colonial U.S. museum? How are accomplished women contemporary visual artists, from different countries within the continent of Africa, yet currently based in the U.S., returning the gaze on American museal culture? How should the woman black Atlantic audience respond to the museum institution's efforts to reframe its colonial legacies? Considering these research questions, I argued that when women contemporary visual artists from Africa are afforded the space to exhibit their artwork in the colonial U.S. museum, they return the gaze on colonial museum culture, advocate for themselves, other African artists, and as a result, the traditional colonial U.S. museum could potentially reframe its identity, transform into a dynamic site for sustained political activism, and become a more equitable space to feature artistic expressions from other non-white perspectives.This qualitative study grounded in critical postcolonial feminist theory drew from extant cultural studies and museum studies literature to elucidate how successful black Atlantic resistance movements are traditionally mobilized by activists who have closely analyzed white supremacist ideology from inside systemically oppressive institutions, by means of white insiders initially granting them that access. It employed a method of psychoanalysis to theorize how transnational African women contemporary visual artists who were granted access to exhibit in colonial U.S. museums can potentially harness their institutional agency to mobilize a resistance movement from inside the institution.

2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (3) ◽  
pp. 222-246
Author(s):  
Robbe Meerpoel

Op 13 september 1944 werd de Aalsterse onderwijzer en medeoprichter van de Vlaamsche Kinderzegen Herman De Vos door leden van het verzet neergeschoten. Het was pas wanneer deze verzetsgroep in mei 1945 nog een tweede moord pleegde dat een onderzoek werd geopend. Tijdens het proces dat in 1950 aan het Gentse assisenhof werd gevoerd, werden de daders in de pers voorgesteld als een groep ontspoorde verzetsleden die verbonden waren met de lokale communistische partij. Herman De Vos werd afgebeeld als een willekeurig slachtoffer van het bevrijdingsgeweld. De casus werd later door voormalige collaborateurs gebruikt om het verzet in diskrediet te brengen en de framing van een repressie ‘zonder maat of einde’ kracht bij te zetten. Deze beeldvorming werd dominant in de herinnering aan de bevrijding in Aalst, doordat historici zich op tijdens het proces verschenen krantenartikelen baseerden om de moord te reconstrueren. Onderzoek van de procesdossiers bracht echter nieuwe elementen over de rol van de verschillende verzetsorganisaties en de lokale communistische partij aan het licht. De hoofdverantwoordelijke voor de moord gebruikte communisme als dekmantel om het geweld te rechtvaardigen. Herman De Vos was een toevallig slachtoffer omdat het eigenlijke doelwit, VTB-ondervoorzitter Jozef Van Overstraeten onvindbaar was. De opdracht om hem te vermoorden werd wel degelijk gedekt door het Aalsterse verzet._________ A victim of communist terror?The murder on the teacher Herman De Vos, September 13, 1944 On September 13, 1944, the teacher and co-founder of the ‘Vlaamsche Kinderzegen’ [Flemish Child Blessing], Herman De Vos, was shot in Aalst by members of the resistance. An investigation however would only be initiated after this resistance movement had committed a second murder in May 1945. During the trial – taking place at the court of assize in Ghent in 1950 – the press depicted the culprits as a group of deranged members of the resistance that were associated with the local communist party. Conversely, De Vos was portrayed as an incidental victim of the violence that ensued after the liberation of Belgium, later granting former collaborators a case to discredit the resistance, and enhance their framing of the repression as being ‘without rule or resolution.’ Moreover, this portrayal has become ubiquitous in the memory of the liberation of Aalst as historians have mainly focused on contemporaneous newspaper articles to reconstruct the trial. Analysis of the trial transcripts and documents however sheds a new light on the role of the different resistance movements and local communist party. The main culprit of the murder used communism as a pretext to justify the violence. In addition, De Vos was an unintended victim because they could not locate their actual target, Jozef Van Overstraeten, vice-chairman of the VTB [Flemish Tourist Association]. The order to murder Van Overstraeten had, in fact, been supported by the resistance in Aalst.


2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janna Klostermann

This study examines the social organisation of Canada’s art world from the standpoint of practising visual artists. Bringing together theories of literacy and institutional ethnography, the article investigates the literacy practices of visual artists, making visible how artists use written texts to participate in public galleries and in the social and institutional relations of the art world. Drawing on extended ethnographic research, including interviews, observational field notes and textual analyses, this study sheds light on the ways visual artists enact particular texts, enact organisational processes, and to enact the social and conceptual worlds they are a part of. Through the lens of visual artists, this study locates two particular texts – the artist statement and the bio statement – in the extended social and institutional relations of the art world. 


Author(s):  
Akbar Alfa , Rezky Kinanda

The Resistance Movement is a movement that is very typical of the rejection of policies or changes made in an area in which there are humans in it. There are two categories of actors involved in the resistance movement, namely the policy maker and the recipient of the policy. The identity of the perpetrators depends on the case and the location of the case which contains different human characteristics or human communities. The research uses literature review as preparation material for the Government of Indragiri Hilir Regency in dealing with resistance movements. This journal is the result of qualitative research which will explain theoretically the resistance movement. Resistance movement is the movement of a party in making a rejection or resistance to the policy to be made or already made. The results of this study can be used as a discussion of Indragiri Hilir Regency Government in making policies and dealing with resistance movements. This research concludes that poor communication and socialization can spark a desire to resist. The resistance movement becomes stronger when the policy maker is unable or slow in responding to the complaints of the recipient of the policy. Regardless of whether the complaint is wrong or right, rapid response must be done quickly so that there is no misunderstanding that causes greater resistance. The policy makers must identify the causes of resistance because the causes are the basic foundation in developing strategies for handling and resolving conflicts in this resistance movement. So that it can be said that each cause has its own handling strategy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 5473-5479
Author(s):  
Atri Baruah

Over the years, people’s resistance movements in Assam have protested state policies and actions on the control, appropriation and ownerships of natural resources. Such movements are marked by an active ideological orientation from the time of colonial annexation of this northeastern region to that of the formation of the post-colonial independent Indian state and yet still continues. Resistance against power of the state occurred within a recognized public arena, which is well goes with what present days resistance movements are doing against the coercive role of the state in Assam. Voices are erupted from the grounds that have a direct connection with the neoliberal state policy of neo-extraction of resources by marginalizing local communities who are said to be the traditional right holders over it. Illustrative to this, the resistance movement spearheaded by a peasant-based organization called Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS)in Assam at the grass root level not only mobilizes the voices which are usually unheard, but build a strong counter force against the state power. In its decade long existence, the organization is offering its resistance politics by launching a serious of movements to resist anti-farmer and anti-people policies pursued by the government in the post-liberalization phase and has emerged as a powerful platform for representing voices of the economically-excluded, who fall behind the curtain of the neo-liberal economic paradigm.


Author(s):  
Beti Ellerson

While African women in film have distinct histories and trajectories, at the same time they have common goals and objectives. Hence, “African women in film” is a concept, an idea, with a shared story and path. While there has always been the hope of creating national cinemas, even the very notion of African cinema(s) in the plural has been pan-African since its early history. And women have taken part in the formation of an African cinema infrastructure from the beginning. The emergence of an “African women in cinema movement” developed from this larger picture. The boundaries of women’s work extend to the global African diaspora. Language, geography, and colonial legacies add to the complexity of African cinema history. Women have drawn from the richness that this multiplicity offers, contributing on local, national, continental, and global levels as practitioners, activists, cultural producers, and stakeholders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Marlene Schäfers

Abstract The Kurdish resistance movement, one often hears in Kurdistan, Turkey, and beyond, has brought momentous change to a deeply patriarchal society and in this way paved the way for the empowerment of Kurdish women. Instead of discussing whether such empowerment has “actually” materialized, this article seeks to investigate what moral expectations, normative standards, and gendered subjectivities this narrative generates. The Kurdish case reveals how narratives of empowerment form a crucial part of the moral and gendered bargains that sustain and legitimate resistance movements. As they tie personal lives to political projects of resistance and liberation through notions like sacrifice, gift, and debt, such narratives shape political belonging and render critique a perilous undertaking. Tracing how Kurdish women seek to reconcile the dilemmas that arise as a result, the article reflects on the ways in which the political comes to be refracted in intimate realms of kinship and family. It contends that familial and personal relationships are crucial sites where expectations of political loyalty and allegiance take on shape and substance but are also negotiated and contested.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Louise McKay

An engagement with the aesthetics, rhetorics and methodologies of surveillance presents a canvas on which visual artists can critique, subvert or just play with emergent technologies. This paper probes artistic methodologies that implicate surveillance and the ethical tensions of appropriating the surveilled lives of strangers for creative pursuits. The ethically challenging practices of several contemporary artists are discussed including Sophie Calle, and the author reflects upon her own body of work. The role of the artist, the nature of the gaze, privacy versus artistic expression, surveillance as an art platform and the eternal tensions between objectivity and subjectivity of using a mechanical device/prosthetic eye are explored.The photos accompanying the article can be seen on the Surveillance & Society photostream at: http://www.flickr.com/photos/surveillance_and_society/sets/72157638275795465/


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 346-367
Author(s):  
Enrico Acciai

This article investigates the trajectories of a small group of Albanian veterans of the Spanish Civil War after leaving Spain, in early 1939. By focusing on the way in which Albanian veterans reached the European resistance movements between 1941 and 1943, we both enhance and problematize our understanding of the European resistance movement as a transnational phenomenon with its roots in the Spanish Civil War. This article aims to contribute further to a better understanding of the longue durée of the anti-fascist fight between 1936 and the end of the Second World War.


2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Skade ◽  
Charlotte Sonne Kristensen ◽  
Mai Britt Friis Nielsen ◽  
Line Hummelmose Diness

Abstract Background Since January 2019, surgical castration of male piglets must be performed using local anaesthesia, if farmers deliver pigs to the primary exporting slaughterhouses according to the “Danish quality scheme”; a voluntary initiative taken by the Danish pig industry. The approved procedure for local anaesthesia in Denmark is a three-step injection method with procaine. A comparison of lidocaine and procaine with the same concentration and injection methods of local anaesthetics has not previously been studied. The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of two injection methods and two local anaesthetics on piglets’ avoidance behaviour (vocalisation and resistance movements) as well as the time spent on the procedures. The study included 203 male piglets that were randomly assigned to one of five treatments: 1. Control: Sham-handling without injection of local anaesthesia, 2. Pro3: Procaine injection using a three-step method, 3. Pro2: Procaine injection using a two-step method, 4. Lid3: Lidocaine injection using a three-step method, 5. Lid2: Lidocaine injection using a two-step method. During injection of local anaesthesia and castration, vocalisation was measured using a decibel meter and resistance movements were registrated by video recordings. Results During castration, piglets treated with local anaesthesia showed significantly reduced vocalisation and resistance movements and time spent on castration was also significantly reduced compared to the control group. During injection of the local anaesthesia, the piglets had significantly increased vocalisation and resistance movements compared to the control group. Piglets injected with lidocaine had a significantly reduced resistance movement score and a tendency to reduced vocalisation compared to piglets injected with procaine. No differences in avoidance behaviour were found between the injection methods. Conclusions The use of local anaesthesia, irrespective of the method and local anaesthetic, was effective in reducing vocalisation and resistance movements during surgery as well as the time spent on castration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 18-35
Author(s):  
Priyanka Koudur ◽  
Shashikantha Koudur

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict that started after 1948 war persists to play a dominant role in shaping Palestinian resistance movement. Sahar Khalifeh is a renowned Palestinian writer of the West Bank which is one of the Israeli occupied territories of Palestine. The core theme of Khalifeh’s writings is the Palestinian resistance to Israeli Occupation. This article examines specifically the multiple resistance strategies adopted by both Palestinian men and women on a land which is under prolonged Israeli occupation. Indeed, the Palestinian resistance movement constitutes both violent and non-violent forms of resistance throughout their struggle for independence. Unfortunately, the media has sidelined the issue of civil or non-violent forms of resistance movements pursued by the Palestinians and represented the Palestinian resistance grossly as an act of terrorism or insurgency. This paper analyzes the different ways of resistance carried out by the Palestinians and the limitations thereof, as depicted in the two novels of Khalifeh–The End of Spring and the Inheritance.


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