scholarly journals Kongssteinen og navnet Stavanger

Viking ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Frode Iversen
Keyword(s):  

This article present a new and somewhat daring interpretation of the name Stavanger. Previous discussions have revolved around from which topographical elements the name originates. The suffix ON angr, fjord, predates the Viking Age. ON stafr, standing staff became early an appellative for boundary markers. The King’s stone (Kongssteinen) was a remarkable boulder, at least 5.6 meters high and 6.2–7.5 meters wide. In the 4th century, the nearby land was cleared for farming and the boulder became clearly visible from the fjord. The King’s stone was one of several hoarstones for an ancient farm, Eiganes, – the parent farm of the town. It balanced on the top of a low mountain ridge (29 MASL) above the medieval town. It is discussed whether this boundary marker gave name to the fjord Stavanger, which in the 10th century also became the name of the town. 

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Marijan Bradanović

The paper discusses the urbanistic development of Dobrinj, one of the medieval castle settlements on the island of Krk, which developed in the shadow of the town of Krk - an ancient urban and Episcopal centre with unbroken continuity of occupancy since  Roman times and proto-history. Although situated away from the sea, from Dobrinj it was possible to survey the Vinodol Channel in the direction of Kotor, its counterpart on the mainland of the neighbouring Vinodol, founded above the mouth of the river  Dubračina. From Dobrinj it was also possible to control indirectly the salt-works of the Dukes of Krk in the nearby Saline Bay.  Dobrinj’s location on an isolated mountain ridge caused the characteristically linear development of its oldest part, the downtown area of Dolinji Grad. In spite of subsequent significant remodelling which updated the originally modest buildings, even today it is possible to recognize the characteristic rows of  rectangular residential single-floor structures with a single-room layout. The houses’ façades faced each other and the ground floors were separated by narrow passageways. However, on the first floor level they were joined by barrel-vaulted structures which supported roof terraces. The rows of houses along the outskirts of  Dolinji Grad adopted a fortification function through their predominantly block-like exteriors. Representative residential structures were concentrated around the Plokat square, below the parish church of St Stephen. Numerous pieces of information are provided by comparative analyses: in particular comparison with other settlements on the island of Krk, but also in combination with written sources and toponomastic research. From the confined area of Dolinji Grad, the settlement spread from the parish church towards the south. Here, around the field which stood in front of the settlement, the inhabitants built churches from the middle ages onward and a graveyard gradually developed. During the sixteenth century, this area was  gradually transformed into Placa, the new communal centre, following the example of the main square at Krk, which was developed by the Venetians. Although few material remains survive in situ, it can be observed that in this area Renaissance houses were provided with the characteristic door-cum-window openings (called "na koljeno") indicative of shops on the ground-floor level. Written sources reveal that in the sixteenth century  religious building focused on Placa. The beginning of the seventeenth century saw a further contraction in the area of Dolinji Grad, and the completion of the work on the parish church which had begun in the second half of the sixteenth century. From the second half of the seventeenth century, following the end of the dangers posed to Dobrinj by the Uskok War, the settlement spread out in a horse-shoe shape southward into the area of the upper town - Gorinji Grad. The  process continued in the eighteenth century and thus  the example of small and urbanistically underdeveloped Dobrinj demonstrates that this late period of Venetian rule does not necessarily stand for urbanistic stagnation.


2008 ◽  
pp. 312-316
Author(s):  
Jacek Leociak

The title of this text, From the Book of Madness and Atrocity, published here for the first time, indicates its generic and stylistic specificity, its fragmentary, incomplete character. It suggests that this text is part of a greater whole, still incomplete, or one that cannot be grasped. In this sense Śreniowski refers to the topos of inexpressibility of the Holocaust experience. The text is reflective in character, full of metaphor, and its modernist style does not shun pathos. Thus we have here meditations emanating a poetic aura, not a report or an account of events. The author emphasises the desperate loneliness of the dying, their solitude, the incommensurability of the ghetto experience and that of the occupation, and the lack of a common fate of the Jews and the Poles (“A Deserted Town in a Living Capital”; “A Town within a Town”; “And the Capital? A Capital, in which the town of a death is dying . . . ? Well, the Capital is living a normal life. Under the occupation, indeed . . . .”).


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-428
Author(s):  
Özgün Ünver ◽  
Ides Nicaise

This article tackles the relationship between Turkish-Belgian families with the Flemish society, within the specific context of their experiences with early childhood education and care (ECEC) system in Flanders. Our findings are based on a focus group with mothers in the town of Beringen. The intercultural dimension of the relationships between these families and ECEC services is discussed using the Interactive Acculturation Model (IAM). The acculturation patterns are discussed under three main headlines: language acquisition, social interaction and maternal employment. Within the context of IAM, our findings point to some degree of separationism of Turkish-Belgian families, while they perceive the Flemish majority to have an assimilationist attitude. This combination suggests a conflictual type of interaction. However, both parties also display some traits of integrationism, which points to the domain-specificity of interactive acculturation.


Romanticism ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-244
Author(s):  
Katie Holdway

In his famously disparaging poetic retorts to the poetry of the British Della Cruscan movement, the Baviad and Mæviad, Tory satirist William Gifford made every effort to separate the readers of Della Cruscan poetry into two distinct audiences: Della Cruscan ‘writer-readers’ who read and actively responded to pieces written by other members of the coterie with poetry of their own, and the non-participating mass audience. According to Gifford, this latter audience – metonymized as ‘the Town’ in the Baviad – ignorantly follows the whims of fashion, absorbing Della Cruscan poetry, but never actually responding to it. Through an analysis of both Della Cruscan poetry and Gifford's retorts, this essay aims to re-establish the links between these two kinds of audiences. I will argue that Gifford's attempts to suppress these links stemmed from a deep-seated fear – fuelled by post-Revolutionary political instability – that the Della Cruscan coterie offered a platform whereby members of the mass reading audience could join their poetic conversations pseudonymously, and ultimately be granted a voice, regardless of their gender or political affiliations.


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