scholarly journals From Theocracy to Democracy? Towards Secularisation and Individualisation in the Policy of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan

1970 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 84-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Sofie Roald

There is a common assumption that ‘Islam’ has an inherent opposition between the sacred and the secular which obstructs the secularisation process witnessed in western societies. This study argues that Weber’s notion of Protestant religion as a driving force in the rationalisation of society might be an indicator of how political Islam in itself in the end might lead to a differentiation between the religious and the secular sphere; an individualisation and a secularisation of the Islamic message and thereby to a privatisation of religion. The political experience of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan is analysed in view of western theories of secularisation, particularly Steve Bruce’s study on secularisation in British society. As Islamists work within the democratic system, there seems to be a transformation from being a radical organisation towards becoming ‘just another comfortable denomination’, as expressed in Bruce’s claim that ‘the sectarian project’ is ‘largely self-defeating’.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-169
Author(s):  
Liina Mustonen

Abstract In the aftermath of the Egyptian uprising in 2011 when Egypt witnessed the emergence of a new Islamist political elite, nostalgia for the country’s glorified past took on an increased political value for those who opposed the new rulers. A Cairo-based milieu of socioeconomically privileged actors, who anxiously observed the election victories of the Muslim Brotherhood, criticized the political developments in light of an imagined Egyptian past. In this article I analyze their discourses and practices and show how they instrumentalized notions of an ancient Egyptian civilization and Egypt’s imagined cosmopolitan past in their critique of the new rulers. It illustrates how, in the political climate of growing tensions after the election of Muhammad Morsi, references to an imagined past, one that was more tolerant, civilized and cosmopolitan, provided a critical resource for those who opposed the new rulers. In the article I locate these propagated visions of cosmopolitanism in the context of Egyptian nationalism and the grand narrative of the Egyptian state.


Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the extent to which the Free Officers formed a political ethos that inclined them toward intervention in civilian politics during the conspiratorial stage. The Free Officers' movement was the culmination of a dramatic political reorientation among the officer corps between 1936 and 1952. They represented the generation that turned away from the political establishment and rejected the leadership of its elders. The soldier's relationship to his country, to his people, to his commanding officers and king gave the young officers a particular perspective on the decay of the liberal order. This chapter first provides a historical background on the Egyptian military before discussing the organization of the Free Officers, along with its political activism, developing ideology, and ties to the Muslim Brotherhood.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 88-103
Author(s):  
Hussein Solomon

Political Islam continues to gain adherents across the African continent. In an attempt to understand why this is the case, this article explores the historical evolution of political Islam or Islamism. Three case studies are then provided to examine the implementation of this ideology—the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Sudan’s National Islamic Front and Al Shabab in Somalia. In conclusion, we examine the future of political Islam from the perspective of secularism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Sedgwick

The importance of Salafism, both in the Muslim world and in Europe, has been quickly grasped by scholars and by governments, and some excellent studies of Salafism in individual countries have been published. Methodological and analytical problems, however, remain. One problem is defining the topic: what is and what is not Salafi? Classification is not assisted by internal divisions within the Salafi movement that result in disagreement among Salafis themselves as to who and what is and is not Salafi, nor by the way in which Salafis do not always describe themselves as Salafi, often preferring ahl al-sunna wa’l-jama’a, sometimes shortened to plain “Sunni,” terms which could, of course, describe almost any non-Shi’i Muslim. A related problem is that the term “Salafi” is sometimes applied by outsiders with little justification, often in the press, but also by authorities such as Hillel Fradkin, director of the Center for Islam, Democracy and the Future of the Muslim World at the Hudson Institute, a “conservative” American think tank, who classified the Muslim Brotherhood as Salafi, on the basis that they were part of “the worldwide Islamic phenomenon and movement variously known as Islamism, Salafism, radical Islam, militant Islam, political Islam and the like.”


Significance Cairo’s aversion to political Islam has seen it dismantle the aging leadership of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood (MB), most of whom are either dead, in prison or scattered. The remaining members are divided, with many taking a highly critical view of the MB’s activities during the one-year presidency of Mohammed Morsi. Impacts Poor economic management has led to growing resentment from Egypt’s poor and those outside the political and military elite. The government will continue to force media to adopt state-sanctioned positions and terminology when reporting on the MB. The MB threat allows the authorities to repress public dissatisfaction with the economy or other state functions and responsibilities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Syawaluddin Syawaluddin

This paper seeks to uncover the political thought and governmental concept of the Egyptian president, Muhammad Mursy, who was democratically elected for the first time, after the “Arab Spring”. Mursi is a members of the Muslim Brotherhood (IM) who was regarded as a forbidden party or an illegal mass organi- zation in Egypt before. This research based on literature research that seeks to collect the data related to the political thought and governmental concept of Muhammad Mursi as a members of the Muslim Brotherhood party, whether from the Internet or books that discuss about the phenomenon. This research found a num- ber of discoveries conducted by Mursi such as; the opening of a border gate in Gaza for Palestinians to enter Egypt, The vice-president’s from women and non-Muslims, restrict military gains in politics, and the others controversial decision.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Fall 2021) ◽  
pp. 51-61
Author(s):  
Mustafa Menshawy ◽  
Simon Mabon

The commentary argues the Saudi-Qatari tensions lie in conflicting perspectives about the role of political Islam within the fabric of both states and their actions regionally. Funda-mentally, the rivalry stems from contrasting relations between political and religious elites in each country which has taken on an increasing political importance in tensions between Riyadh and Doha. Central to much of this are questions about the role played by the Muslim Brotherhood (and its various affiliates). More relatedly, the Saudi-Qatari rifts emerge out of competing understandings of authority and legitimacy, and with it, concern at the contesta-tion of these claims.


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