scholarly journals The “Double Apostolate” as an Image of the Church. A Study of Early Medieval Apse Mosaic in Rome

1970 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 141-162
Author(s):  
Lasse Hodne

As large cities claimed apostolic founding of their churches, the Roman church declared that it was constituted on the “double apostolate” of Peter and Paul. The concordia apostolorum which results from the final agreement between the “former rivals” in this city is also seen as the foundation of the Roman church. The term concordia apostolorum has been applied to at least two image types which show the two apostles together. I propose that this name is more appropriate as a title for the well known Roman apse image of Christ flanked by the apostle princes than the traditional traditio legis, since the concordia and the double apostolate are concepts which relate the church to the city of Rome. Hence, the scheme with the two apostles which decorates so many Roman apses from Late Antiquity until the age of Paschal I can be seen as an emblem precisely of the Roman church.

2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-168
Author(s):  
Giuliano Volpe

Two Early Christian complexes will be presented here: one urban (San Pietro in Canosa), and one rural (San Giusto in the territory of Lucera). Both cases represent clear evidence of the Christianising policy promoted by the Church in the cities and countryside, especially during the 5th and 6th centuries A.D., which led to a new definition of urban and rural landscapes. The Early Christian complex of San Pietro in Canosa—the most important city in Apulia et Calabria in Late Antiquity—and the Early Christian complex of San Giusto, most likely the seat of a rural diocese, are notable expressions of ecclesiastical power in the city and the countryside during the transitional period between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 311-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kate Cooper ◽  
Julia Hillner ◽  
Conrad Leyser

This paper represents a report on work in progress at the University of Manchester’s Centre for Late Antiquity. The goal of our research is to open a new chapter in research on late ancient and Early Medieval Rome, through the systematic collation and diffusion of relatively neglected sources, in particular the Roman gesta martyrum. They are not usually considered as a source for the social history of the city, because of their transparently tendentious character. Yet the gesta are our best witness to the ebullient of the Roman laity, on whose patronage the ecclesiastical hierarchy continued to depend. We hope to make the gesta more widely accessible, and to facilitate their cross-referencing with other kinds of source; our method is to combine the tools of traditional scholarship with contemporary digital technologies, the operation of which we briefly describe here.


Author(s):  
Raquel MARTÍNEZ PEÑÍN

<p>RESUMEN: Este trabajo se centra en el estudio de las cerámicas de producción local tardoantiguas y altomedievales localizadas en un ámbito muy concreto del noroeste peninsular: la ciudad de Braga. En este espacio se constata la presencia de una producción propia adscrita a momentos tardíos y que comúnmente se han denominado cerámicas «cinzentas tardías». Nuestro objetivo se focalizará en el análisis de los aspectos técnicos, morfológicos y ornamentales de esas producciones, tomando como base los recipientes hallados en diferentes intervenciones arqueológicas practicadas en la urbe bracarense.</p><p>ABSTRACT: This work focuses on the study of locally produced ceramics late antiquity and early medieval located in a very specific area of the northwest peninsula: the city of Braga. In this space, notes the presence of a self-produced and attached to late now commonly called «cerámica cinzenta». Our goal will focus on the analysis of the technical, morphological and ornamental of these productions, based on containers found in different archaeological interventions practiced in bracarense environment.</p>


Traditio ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
MEGAN WELTON

This article investigates how civic discourse connects the virtue of citizens and the fortunes of cities in a variety of late antique and early medieval sources in the post-Roman west. It reveals how cities assume human qualities through the rhetorical technique of personification and, crucially, the ways in which individuals and communities likewise are described with civic terminology. It also analyzes the ways in which the city and the civic community are made to speak to one another at times of crisis and celebration. By examining a diverse range of sources including epideictic poetry, chronicles, hagiographies, and epigraphic inscriptions, this article addresses multiple modes of late antique and early medieval thought that utilize civic discourse. It first explores how late antique and early medieval authors employed civic discourse in non-urban contexts, including how they conceptualized the interior construction of an individual's mind and soul as a fortified citadel, how they praised ecclesiastical and secular leaders as city structures, and how they extended civic terminology to the preeminently non-urban space of the monastery. The article then examines how personified cities spoke to their citizens and how citizens could join their cities in song through urban procession. Civic encomia and invective further illustrate how medieval authors sought to unify the virtuous conduct of citizens with the ultimate fate of the city's security. The article concludes with a historical and epigraphic case study of two programs of mural construction in ninth-century Rome. Ultimately, this article argues that the repeated and emphatic exhortations to civic virtue provide access to how late antique and early medieval authors sought to intertwine the fate of the city with the conduct of her citizens, in order to persuade their audiences to act in accordance with the precepts of virtue.


Author(s):  
Brigitte Kasten

Abstract Church Spaces for Refugees in Early Medieval Ages. The paper deals with the spatial regulations of asylum. It shows that the spacious area of asylum of Late Antiquity was considerably reduced by many gentile Germanic kings. However, with the increasing Christianisation and the founding of monasteries and regional churches, the ability to grant asylum was extended to these churches, whereas in Late Antiquity in the Western Roman Empire, very likely only the episcopal churches – partly due to the lack of too many other churches – were qualified to grant asylum. In this way, a harmonization between profane and ecclesiastical places of refuge took place for just as “all” churches were (before?) all royal courts and not only the king’s residence were spaces of refuge. In the case of church spaces of refuge, it increasingly became a qualitative requirement that the church building or its parts (altar, gates etc.) had been sanctified by episcopal ordination. The reduction in the size of the asylum area did not initially go hand in hand with an impairment in the right of asylum. The bishop’s (priest’s) obligation to intercede or right to intercede was only levelled under emperor Charlemagne with reference to the competence of any worthy person to intercede.


Author(s):  
Alexander Rentel

The Byzantine-Slav liturgical tradition emerged as an aggregate rite from the diverse liturgical practices of the Eastern Mediterranean from the early 4th century. This tradition developed around the city of Constantinople but was also influenced by the liturgical traditions of Jerusalem and the monasteries surrounding Jerusalem. While Constantinople remained the center of this tradition, it also found its home and developed in unique ways throughout the Mediterranean and the Balkan Peninsula, into Ukraine and Russia, and eventually throughout the world. The liturgical tradition itself weaves together the diverse practices of monastic and urban worship, creating very much a hybrid rite. The daily office, primarily drawn from monastic practices, utilizes a mix of invariable texts, prayers, psalmody, and composed hymns of ancient provenance as well as a wide array of variable hymns of different origins and genre. Throughout these services, the monastic elements stand side by side with remnants of the urban cathedral worship. The Divine Liturgy, the Eucharist service, has at its core prayers that go back to the classic patristic age of the church, the 4th and 5th centuries. The entire service, however, betrays multiple layers of influence on its development, ranging from practices of the imperial cult of late antiquity to popular piety. All these elements have come together through organic development and, at times, directed reform to form a vast liturgical tradition with rich textures and complex nuances of meaning.


Scrinium ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-21
Author(s):  
Pauline Allen

Among the homiletic corpora of late antiquity the 125 surviving homilies of Severus, patriarch of Antioch (512–518), provide us with a rich lode of works on martyrs. This is not surprising, given that Antioch was second only to Rome in the number of martyrs and saints it venerated. Previously I have examined Severus’ treatment of the deaths of two local martyrs, Barlaam/Barlaha and Romanus (in Martyrdom and Persecution in Late Antique Christianity. Festschrift Boudewijn Dehandschutter, ed. J. Leemans, Leuven – Paris – Walpole, MA, 2010, pp. 1–14) and of four martyrs foreign to Antioch, Drosis/Drosina, Julian, Dometius, and Leontius ( Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association, 5 [2009], pp. 9–20), an examination that proved the quality of the sources which the patriarch used in his preaching. In this paper I intend to carry the discussion further by concentrating on Severus’ treatment of the death of St Babylas in one homily and two hymns, particularly in relation to the treatment accorded to the martyr in John Chrysostom, in order to situate Severus’ homily in the martyrial homiletic tradition and to trace the history of the veneration of this saint in the city of Antioch.



2013 ◽  
Vol 54 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 405-424
Author(s):  
Alina Nowicka -Jeżowa

Summary The article tries to outline the position of Piotr Skarga in the Jesuit debates about the legacy of humanist Renaissance. The author argues that Skarga was fully committed to the adaptation of humanist and even medieval ideas into the revitalized post-Tridentine Catholicism. Skarga’s aim was to reformulate the humanist worldview, its idea of man, system of values and political views so that they would fit the doctrine of the Roman Catholic church. In effect, though, it meant supplanting the pluralist and open humanist culture by a construct as solidly Catholic as possible. He sifted through, verified, and re-interpreted the humanist material: as a result the humanist myth of the City of the Sun was eclipsed by reminders of the transience of all earthly goods and pursuits; elements of the Greek and Roman tradition were reconnected with the authoritative Biblical account of world history; and man was reinscribed into the theocentric perspective. Skarga brought back the dogmas of the original sin and sanctifying grace, reiterated the importance of asceticism and self-discipline, redefined the ideas of human dignity and freedom, and, in consequence, came up with a clear-cut, integrist view of the meaning and goal of the good life as well as the proper mission of the citizen and the nation. The polemical edge of Piotr Skarga’s cultural project was aimed both at Protestantism and the Erasmian tendency within the Catholic church. While strongly coloured by the Ignatian spirituality with its insistence on rigorous discipline, a sense of responsibility for the lives of other people and the culture of the community, and a commitment to the heroic ideal of a miles Christi, taking headon the challenges of the flesh, the world, Satan, and the enemies of the patria and the Church, it also went a long way to adapt the Jesuit model to Poland’s socio-cultural conditions and the mentality of its inhabitants.


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