scholarly journals Acer-Fraxinus dominated woods of the Italian peninsula: a floristic and phytogeographical analysis

2012 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Angiolini ◽  
Bruno Foggi ◽  
Daniele Viciani

Forest communities dominated by noble broad-leaved trees (maple, lime and ash) in Europe are of elevated scientific and con­servation interest for the European Union. In this paper, we first present a synthesis of the maple and ash forests in peninsular Italy. By classifying these forests, we distinguish seven main groups for the territory, which only broadly match the syntaxa proposed in the literature. The variability of the Apennine data is then analysed floristically and phytogeographically (using chorological components) in a central-southern European context, using numerical classification, INSPAN, and direct ordination of several synoptic tables. These analyses allow us to identify six different groups of European <em>Acer-Fraxinus </em>communities. Canonical Vari­ates Analysis (CVA) of the geographical components confirms the existence of distinct phytogeographical groups. In particular, we highlight the clear distinction between central European (including the Alps) and southern European coenoses. Among the latter there was a clear floristic and chorological distinction between Balkan and Apennine groups. These results reflect the biogeographical subdivisions of Europe, but do not support the syntaxonomical schemes proposed by other authors, which are based only on floristic-ecological information or (recently) use a smaller data set of Italian relevés. This study also shows that syntaxonomical schemes above the association level should pay more attention to phytogeographical aspects rather than focus on floristic-ecological information alone, in order to propose models that are of value on a geographical scale.

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victoria Harms

This article is part of the special section titled The Genealogies of Memory, guest edited by Ferenc Laczó and Joanna Wawrzyniak This article investigates the evolution of Hungary’s memory of 1956, from the counterrevolution to the dissident struggle for rehabilitation in the eighties, its relation to the change of regimes in 1989, and its subsequent appropriation for nationalist purposes in defiance of a European memory regime. Mnemonic warriors like Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and historian Mária Schmidt have championed 1956 as a struggle for freedom and independence and symbols of Hungarian martyrdom and bravery. Only recently a new-found Central European unity in adversity has been observed: the “counterrevolution” against the European Union. Perusing interviews, samizdat articles, public appeals and speeches, and other documentary evidence, including historical analyses, this article identifies mnemonic actors and strategies to assess the intricate relationship between 1956 and 1989. The analysis of museum exhibitions, statues, monuments, and national symbols helps reveal the varying significance ascribed to 1956 before and after 1989. The study relies on the conceptual groundwork of Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik. It contributes to arguments put forth by historians James Mark, Anna Seleny, Nora Borodziej, and Árpád von Klimó.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (164) ◽  
pp. 724-742
Author(s):  
Ovidiu Constantin Bunget ◽  
Alin-Constantin Dumitrescu ◽  
Rodica Gabriela Blidisel ◽  
Oana Alina Bogdan ◽  
Valentin Burca ◽  
...  

The audit market, developed out of the need to strengthen the credibility and the quality of financial reporting, has led since the 1980s to a concentration around large audit firms, the dominance effect being marked on the one hand by the auditor’s increasing reputation and notoriety, and on the other hand by the client’s association with a reputed auditor, which contributes to improving the company’s image on the market. In this context, a major issue is represented by the level of the fees charged, as they represent key elements that may affect the auditor’s independence. Moreover, a sensitive aspect is the relationship between the fee charged for financial audit services and the one for non-audit services and the compensation practices between them. The European Commission wants to facilitate competition in an overly concentrated market and also provide the opportunity for small and medium-sized audit firms to become active players in the large corporate audit market through joint audit, in which at least one of the audit firms is not part of the Big4 group. The mandatory audit firm rotation and the limitation on the non-audit services provided are the main aspects of the recent audit reform that directly influences the fee level. The main purpose of this study is to analyse whether there is a pattern of audit costs at the community level. In this context, this paper aims to assess the uniformity of audit costs, namely to determine the structure of the audit market in the European Union. The research involves data set comparison methods, by analysing a sample of 2,896 firms listed on the stock exchange in 35 different states over the period 2013-2021.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 795-806
Author(s):  
Petia Kostadinova ◽  
Magda Giurcanu

Utilizing a newly compiled data set, this article demonstrates that some election pledges made by the transnational Europarties are included among the European Commission priorities issued during the pre-legislative stage. The data set consists of 597 promises made by four transnational Europarties during the 2004 and 2009 European Parliament (EP) elections and of 698 subsequent Commission legislative intentions. Focusing on the time periods during the Barroso presidencies, the article’s findings suggest that (1) decision-making rules in the EP help us understand which transnational pledges are included in Commission priorities and (2) promises by two Europarties, such as the European People’s Party and the European Liberal and Democrat Party, are more likely to be considered by the Commission than those of other Europarties. Our results speak to scholarly debates on the place of the Europarties in the European Union inter-institutional relations and more broadly on the democratic legitimacy of the Union.


1996 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Hallerberg

The twenty-five German states from 1871 to 1914 present a useful data set for examining how increasing economic integration affects tax policy. After German unification the national government collapsed six currencies into one and liberalized preexisting restrictions on capital and labor mobility. In contrast, the empire did not directly interfere in the making of state tax policy; while states transferred certain indirect taxes to the central government, they maintained their own autonomous tax and political systems through World War I. This paper examines the extent to which tax competition forced the individual state tax systems to converge from 1871 to 1914. In spite of a diversity of political systems, tax competition did require states to harmonize their rates on mobile factors like capital and high income labor, but it did not affect tax rates on immobile factors. In states where the political system guaranteed agricultural dominance, taxes on land were reduced, while in states with more open systems, tax rates remained higher. One unexpected result is that tax rates on capital and income converged upward instead of downward. The most dominant state, Prussia, served as the lowest-common-denominator state, but pressure from the national government, especially to increase expenditures, forced all states to raise their tax rates. These results suggest possible ways for the European Union to avoid a forced downward convergence of member state tax rates on capital and mobile labor.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 46-62
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kudzin-Borkowska

W artykule podjęto problematykę cyberbezpieczeństwa w Grupie Wyszehradzkiej. Mimo że w nauce pojawia się wiele terminów dotyczących bezpieczeństwa informacyjnego, jednak w ostatnich latach w dokumentach strategicznych dominuje kategoria pojęciowa „cyberbezpieczeństwo”. W Strategii Bezpieczeństwa Cybernetycznego Unii Europejskiej z 7 marca 2013 r. stwierdza się, że bezpieczeństwo cybernetyczne odnosi się do zabezpieczeń i działań, które mogą być wykorzystywane do ochrony domeny cybernetycznej, zarówno cywilnej, jak i wojskowej, przed tymi zagrożeniami, które dotyczą jej współzależnych sieci i infrastruktury informatycznej oraz które mogą te sieci oraz tę infrastrukturę uszkodzić. Państwa Grupy Wyszehradzkiej wypracowały swoje własne strategie cyberbezpieczeństwa na podstawie światowych wzorców w tej dziedzinie. W tych dokumentach deklarują wprawdzie gotowość współpracy międzynarodowej, także środkowoeuropejskiej, jednak widać, że każde z nich ma ambicje odgrywania roli środkowoeuropejskiego lidera. Cybersecurity in the Visegrad Group – concepts and strategies The article discusses the issues of cybersecurity in the Visegrad Group. There is a wide spectrum of information security terminology, but the conceptual category of cybersecurity has dominated strategic documents in recent years. The European Union Cyber Security Strategy of 7, March 2013, claims that cybersecurity commonly refers to the safeguards and actions that can be used to protect the cyber domain, both in the civilian and military fields, from those threats that are associated with or that may harm its interdependent networks and information infrastructure. The Visegrad Group countries have developed their own cybersecurity strategies based on global models in this field. However, in these strategic documents they declare readiness for broad international cooperation, including Central European, it can be seen that each of them strives to play the role of a leader in Central Europe.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 137-149
Author(s):  
Maria Buck

While in the early days of the European history of culture the Alps were seen as forbidding, since the 1970s environmental activists have used this description, turning it the other way round — now it is the Alps that are increasingly threatened by today’s environmental problems. Noise, air pollution, deforestation and problems relating to ozone depletion threaten the ecologically sensitive Alpine range. The problems affect not just the Alps, but owing to geographical and topographic conditions their consequences are particularly strong here. Thus the Alps constitute a reference framework as well as a point of origin for the thematisation of ecological problems. Defenders of the Alps were especially critical of the claims — or, more openly, designs — of the European Union in the area of transport, tourism and energy. The relations between the Alps and the European Union constituted a unique moment in the discussion of environmental activists. On the one hand they styled the Alps as a model ecological region in contrast to the economy-focused European Union, and on the other the European Union served as a common enemy, which turned the Alps into a political argument in declaring unity of this space. This unity was, according to the defenders of the Alps, important in the context of securing and forcing through the region’s internal needs. To sum up, the Alps were presented as a place where various, partly opposing, economic, ecological and political interest met, and a place appropriated, depending on the context, as a living, cultural and economic space, as Europe’s roof and water tower, or as a holiday idyll and sports arena. Given the collaboration of Alpine environmentalists crossing state borders south and north of the Brenner Pass, and within the extraordinarily politically and socially heterogenous resistance movement in North Tirol, a question arises: to what extent have the Alps generated unique forms of identification for these figures? The author of the article argues that for Alpine environmentalists the Alps are both a discursive and a physical space, used as an identity-building element and space of activity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (54) ◽  
pp. 71-106
Author(s):  
Vladimír Naxera ◽  
◽  
Viktor Glied ◽  
Ondřej Filipec ◽  
Małgorzata Kaczorowska ◽  
...  

This article analyses the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election manifestos of populist parties in V4 countries as a contribution to the contemporary discussion on political populism. The aim of the study is to analyze the election campaign programs which populist parties operating in individual V4 countries presented for EP elections in 2019, using a qualitative content analysis of the official election programs of relevant populist parties and other sources of their communication. It tries to identify topics that have been framed as a problem or risk by Central European populists and how these topics have been interpreted in their programs. The so-called “immigration crisis” and the contemporary state of the European Union are seen as the most problematic topics by a majority of the populists. On the other hand, the majority of these parties do not want some Central European version of Brexit. Their rhetorical goal is rather the reform the Union.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Borisas Melnikas

The present state of university and professional education in Lithuania and major problems of its development are outlined. The possibilities of upgrading university and professional studies are evaluated, taking into account the processes associated with the integration of Lithuania into the European Union. In addition, the prospects of education development are analyzed in the context of transitions characteristic of the states of Central and Eastern Europe.


2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38
Author(s):  
Marcin Feltynowski

This article presents information about regional products registered by those Central European countries which joined the European Union structures in May 2004. Their membership facilitated the registration of regional products and their participation in the EU’s registration procedures. Regional and local products registered in the area of a country can become a base for the promotion of regional tourism in the regions of origin of these products. The brand recognition of these regional products also becomes a basis to improve the quality of the agricultural products and foodstuffs. This article presents the activities of the Central European countries which are members of the EU since 2004 in their registration of regional products. The presented data shows how many products were registered within each group of products, protected by the marks: Protected Designation of Origin, Protected Geographical Indication, and Traditional Speciality Guaranteed. Verification of the statistical data allows for analysis concerning the product class, as defined in the EU directives.


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