Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations in Africa: Retrospect and Prospects from Nigeria

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Taiwo Akanbi Olaiya

This article diagnostically examined the several competing perspectives on the beleaguered nature of intergovernmental relations in Nigeria. Tracing the evolution of intergovernmental relation in Nigeria and espousing its legal, political and governance antecedents, the paper hazarded the undercurrent for the lingering conflicts between the center and the component units. The article also critically analyzed the impacts of the erstwhile British colonial strategy of division into regions as a means for administering the country and exploration of the mineral endowments in the 1950s on the composition and the current nature of predatory power that the center currently wields, much to the detriments and underfunding of the component units in the federation. The paper found evidences to showcase that because the British colonialists unduly queered the political pitch by allocating more seats to the North than to each of the other two regions at the center, intergovernmental relations in Nigeria has been quite contentious. If anything, a mutual suspicion between the North-dominated Federal Government and the Southern component units became a logical end. We concluded, among others, that notwithstanding the ample provisions in the 1999 Constitution for veritable intergovernmental relationship in Nigeria, there are still the intricate issues of regional domination of the center, leading to lack of political will to induce proper constitutional implementations.

2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Cogan

Beginning with the death of David and the rise of Solomon, 1 Kings charts the history of Israel through the divided monarchy, when Ahab reigned in the north and Jehoshaphat reigned in the south. This new translation, with introduction and commentary by biblical scholar Mordechai Cogan, is part of the Anchor Bible Commentary series, viewed by many as the definitive commentaries for use in both Christian and Jewish scholarship and worship. Cogan's translation brings new immediacy to well-known passages, such as Solomon's famously wise judgment when asked by two prostitutes to decide their dispute regarding motherhood of a child: "Cut the live son in two! And give half to one and half to the other." With a bibliography that runs to almost a thousand articles and books, Cogan's commentary demonstrates his mastery of the political history described by 1 Kings, as well as the themes of moral and religious failure that eventually led to Israel's defeat and exile.


2015 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 116-133
Author(s):  
Ter-Hsing Cheng

This paper intends to explore the collective memory of Czech sinologists in the 1950s based on the political zone between sinology and socialism. Czech sinological development in the 1950s was grounded on the personal factor of Prusek and the socialist transformation of new China. Socialist China offers two possibilities for the development of sinology, the first for friendly relations among socialist countries, including overseas students, and the second for studies of contemporary Chinese literature. The developmental framework of Czech sinology in the 1950s, or the social framework of collective memory for the Czech sinologists should be understood in the region under the mutual penetration of sinology and socialist China. This paper, firstly, discusses the background framework of constructing the Czech sinologists in the 1950s— the link between new China and the other socialist countries, and the relation between Prusek and socialist China. Secondly, this paper will analyze Czech sinological experiences in the 1950s through Halbwachs’ theory of collective memory.Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.19 2014: 116-133


Africa ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michel Verdon

Opening ParagraphThe Abutia Ewe form one of what the British colonial administrators dubbed the ‘traditional areas’, over one hundred of which are said to compose the Ewe people or Eweland. These Ewe traditional areas lie in the southern half of the Volta Region (in Ghana) and in southern Togo. Although much has been written about the Ewe, little is known about the political organisation of the inland areas, north of the coastal savanna. In fact, most authors have treated the Ewe as if they were thoroughly homogeneous and could be analysed as one ethnic group or one society, only acknowledging variations between the north and south, not considered significant enough to make them completely different groups (Spieth 1906; 1911; Westermann 1935; Ward 1949; Manoukian 1952; Nukunya 1969; Friedländer 1962; Asamoa 1971 amongst many others). And yet I contend that the northern areas are as distinct from the southern ones as they are from the Akan populations. As a result, none of the present available literature is particularly useful as a paradigmatic model of the northern areas' political organisation.


Author(s):  
Olayemi Adedayo Ezekiel ◽  
Oshatimi Omowumi Olanike

Corruption is one of the evil confronting the development of Nigeria. It is a cankerworm that has eaten deep into the fabrics of the Nigeria system. Various measures have been adopted by various governments and administration at all levels to combat the ugly menace. This paper assesses the effects of treasury single account (TSA) policy on corruption in Nigeria. The study found that the treasury single account (TSA) policy was introduced to block financial leakages, reduce corruption, promote transparency and prevent mismanagement of government's revenue in public sector organizations. The paper revealed that the major challenges hampering the effective and efficient implementation of the treasury single account (TSA) policy include: Inability of federal government to remit appropriately to the various agencies, uncertainties underlying federal government inactions and actions, bottlenecks/bureaucracy, internet platform delays, inefficient human capital development and time wasting in the banks and payment points. The policy will also enable the government at the centre to know its cash position at any given time without any hindrance. Therefore, it is recommended in the paper that the federal government must demonstrate the political will to ensure the sustainability of TSA policy and also tenaciously pursue its implementation by states and local governments in the country. KEYWORDS: Treasury Single Account (TSA), Corruption, Public Sector, Organizations, Nigeria


Author(s):  
Laurel Bossen ◽  
Hill Gates

This chapter continues the inquiry at the western edges of the North China Plain in Shanxi and Shaanxi. Here the four village sites present differences in cotton production, political influence, proximity to urban trade centers, and to the railroad. One northern site in Shanxi experienced the direct effects of the nearby Communist base in the 1930s. One village in Shaanxi lay in the heart of a rich cotton-growing region while the other in Shaanbei lacked locally grown cotton. The chapter focuses on the political and economic changes affecting women’s and girls’ hand work as well as the timing of footbinding’s decline at each site.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-344
Author(s):  
Dženita Sarač-Rujanac ◽  

On October 26 and 27, 1969, a devastating earthquake hit Banja Luka and fourteen neighbouring municipalities. The reconstruction of the affected area will become a very important issue causing a kind of earthquake in the relations of Bosnia and Herzegovina's leadership with the Federal Government and the other republics. In the early 1970s, the whole complexity of multi-year struggle for the equal status and treatment of the Republic in the Federation was reflected in it. In the paper, we track the multi-month negotiations overthe funding sources, the contribution of the Federation and the other republics in the construction and renovation of the Bosanska Krajina (the Bosnian Frontier) and we also indicate the political consequences of this natural disaster.


Author(s):  
Saifullah Gharwal ◽  
Asmatullah Ziar

The second rule of Amir Sher Ali Khan (1868-1878) has a special place in the contemporary history of Afghanistan. During this period, new features of the political, administrative, and cultural system were introduced, new institutions established in the country, and efforts were made to flourish civilization. He is one of the most broad-minded kings in the modern history of Afghanistan who has done his best for the development of Afghanistan. This article discusses the political, social, and cultural reforms of the second sovereignty of Amir Sher Ali Khan to create a sequence of historical events and take a chronological form, therefore, before his rule and especially during the reign of his father Amir Dost Mohammad Khan, several reform programs have been briefly discussed which the basis for his reforms are. In this article, we conclude that Amir Sher Ali Khan has brought about significant political, social, and cultural reforms for the new Afghanistan. On the other hand, he got into a series of internal problems and a big game between the Russian and British colonial circles and not allowed him to carry out all his plans. The British invaded Afghanistan for the second time and ended its rule, and whatever programs for the flourishing of a new civilization were suspended, Afghanistan was left behind in the caravan of global progress.


2012 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-148
Author(s):  
JÖRG BABEROWSKI

Twenty years ago it would have been unthinkable for a historian to combine the National Socialists’ murderous excesses and programme of extermination with Bolshevik atrocities in a single history. He would have been accused of ‘relativising’ one set of murderous crimes by relating it to the other. The comparison does indeed have a relativising effect in that it puts the events in a new light and so makes them, for the first time, comprehensible. But at that time, when historians still treated all historical questions as moral ones, nobody wanted to anything to do with that comparison because it ran counter to the political will. You could compare anything with anything, except the Holocaust, which had to remain unique. Nobody could write about the excesses of Stalinist violence without acknowledging that the Nazi murder programme was unique. Nonetheless everybody knew, even then, that uniqueness cannot be established without comparisons and contrasts.1Since then, a view that used to be considered shocking has become a self-evident: no examination of state atrocities is now possible without a comparative element. But this change can also serve political ends: the Holocaust has become the sole yardstick for measuring state-organised crimes of violence. It seems that such crimes can only be taken seriously if they are comparable to Nazi atrocities.2


Ars Adriatica ◽  
2011 ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Emil Hilje

The medieval fortifications of Zadar were developed and enriched during the centuries as a consequence of changes in the entire defensive system of the town but also due to the political circumstances. Two main forts stood on opposite parts of the town, one facing away from the sea, next to the entrance from the moat (Foša) in the south corner, and the other at the entrance to the harbour in the north corner of the town. The information about the original fort next to the harbour entrance, which defended the chain barring enemy ships from entering the harbour, is scarce. However, after the famous Venetian siege and fall of Zadar in 1346, this fort was completely rebuilt and even given a new role. In 1437, the Venetian government decided to pierce the town walls and excavate a moat around the fortification, which would be filled with sea water, in order to create an open space around the fortification facing the town for defensive reasons. In other words, the nearby houses were torn down. In such a way the fortification, rather than being a fort which protects the town from external attacks,  became a fort in which the Venetian crew could, in case of a new rebellion, fight off the attacks from the town itself, receive supplies from the sea, and enable its fleet to enter the town harbour. In this way the Venetian fortification at Zadar became a variant of sorts of ancient citadels which represented the last line of defence in the cases when the enemies reach the town itself, and, at the same time, served as a stronghold of the ruling governments against the town. The relief of the winged lion, symbol of the Venetian Republic, incorporated in the façade of the ‘Little Armory’, is one of the best reliefs of that type at Zadar, and it can be dated to mid-fifteenth century and brought into connection with a group of artists from the circle of Juraj Dalmatinac.


Author(s):  
Aiseta Aisha

Abstract The spread of Islam in Uganda is attributed to both foreign and local Muslim migrants. These included the Khartoumers who arrived in northern Uganda in 1830, the Arabs who arrived in 1844 and the Baganda, the first local community to receive Islam. The latter was instrumental in the spread of Islam in the Eastern and Western parts of the country. In the East, a group of Muslims arrived in the area with Semei Kakungulu around the twentieth century, a British colonial agent, and in their interactions with the locals they passed on tips of Islam to them. In the West, it was the Muslim refugees of the political and religious wars of 1880s/1890s that played a significant role. Muslims in Uganda still lag behind in many sectors and are divided along tribalistic grounds. However, the Baganda believe that they greatly contributed to the spread of Islam in the country. Thus, they should produce the overall Muslim leadership, a development which the other tribes cannot accept. They argue that although Islam entered Buganda first, it was not the Baganda who brought it. They, however, acknowledge the role played by the above-mentioned migrants. That is said, this paper illustrates how migrants contributed to the spread of Islam in Ugandaanalysis statistical method covering eight distinct retail elements through a nationwide sampling dispersal. Keywords: migrants, Muslims, Islam, refugees, Baganda, Arabs, Khartoumers, Nubians, Berbe


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