Two Irishmen and the 1863 Polish Uprising

Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gmerek ◽  

In January 1863, an uprising started in all parts of the former Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania that had been annexed by Russia. The uprising was of particular interest to Irish nationalists, who made a number of parallels with the Irish situation and used Polish examples in their political discourse. Two Irish politicians visited Poland at that time: William Smith O’Brien, a former leader of Young Ireland, and the young Tory M.P. for King’s County, John Pope-Hennessy. This article discusses their visits and compares and contrasts their personalities and political views. It examines relevant aspects of the historical context by using both Polish archival sources and coverage by Irish nationalist periodicals.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-212

Subhash Chandra Bose was one of India’s greatest freedom fighter. He revived the Indian National Army, popularly known as ‘Azad Hind Fauj’ in 1943 which was initially formed in 1942 by Rash Behari Bose. He provided an influential leadership and kept the spirit of nationalism burning during the slack period of national movement in India. Netaji was a patriot to the last drop of his blood. In his passionate love for the motherland, he was prepared to do anything for the sake of liberating his country. Subhash Chandra Bose is a legendary figure in Indian history. His contribution to the freedom struggle made him a brave hero of India. However, there has been controversial debates about Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s political views in his struggle for India’s freedom till date. This paper studies about 1. Controversy on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s political views; 2. Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose’s relation with Japan from contemporary perspectives; and 3. Subhash Chandra Bose’s relation with Japan in comparison with that of Phan Boi Chau in Vietnam. Received 9th December 2020; Revised 2nd March 2021; Accepted 20th March 2021


2019 ◽  

The article is focused on identifying local and speech strategies (tactics) that are subjected to the global strategy of demagoguery in American political discourse. The article concerns analysis of the definitions and synonyms of the term demagoguery. Such analysis confirmed the appropriateness of considering demagoguery as a specific strategy of political discourse. The results of the research ascertain that the term demagoguery is perceived differently in Ukrainian and English linguistic cultures. Ukrainians perceive demagoguery as a tool for deceiving and manipulation, while Englishmen think of it as of a method of leading a political game and broadening the voter base. The recipients of demagoguery in Ukrainian linguistic culture are uneducated groups of people, while in English linguistic culture the recipient is the people as a whole. Demagoguery as a specific strategy of political discourse is mainly used to influence the electorate through appealing to the feelings, instincts, and prejudices and through forming required political views and preferences. The analysis of the American sociologists’ works enabled us to identify the main features of demagoguery. They are the following: the focus on broadening the audience, using propaganda for manipulating the masses and entertaining character. Analysis of empirical evidence, Donald Trump's thankful speech, which was given at the Republican national convention in 2016, allows us to single out local strategies of demagoguery. The local strategies of demagoguery, which are typical for American political discourse, are the following: populism, manipulation, subjectivation, fascination, and information simplification. Moreover, the article identifies and describes speech tactics that are typical for each local strategy. Among them, there are tactics of empty promises, lies, accusing, ridicule, using slogans, vulgarization, intimidation, and a tactic of finding a scapegoat. The research also concerns analysis of the linguistic means used for the realization of every local strategy and speech tactic. The most frequently used linguistic means are usage of expressive language with positive and negative meaning, repetition, anthroponomy, and subjectivation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 247-270
Author(s):  
Brian Holden Reid

This chapter details how the year 1864 allowed William T. Sherman to operate for the first time not as a subordinate commander but as director of a series of armies in the field. His contribution to overall Union strategy would be significant and thus he began to exercise command at the level military analysts currently refer to as the operational level of war. Such a level links tactics and methods of fighting with strategy, in the overall scheme. It defines the manner in which armies organize in discrete campaigns and seek to fulfill the object of strategy by winning victories. Sherman’s performance overall needs to be considered by taking all aspects into account. As he began to work at the higher levels of the military art, he began to change the way in which people think and talk about war, and he propounded an individual philosophy of war. The higher he progressed, the more Sherman could not avoid confronting the harsh realities of political life, for his campaigns increasingly had an impact not just on American political discourse but indeed in 1864 on the outcome of the presidential election. Sherman expressed clear-cut political views and expounded them perhaps too forcefully. This complex mix worked as a catalyst in developing his ideas about war and his ability to put them into practice.


Author(s):  
Diana C. Mutz

This chapter discusses the concept of “in-your-face” politics. When it comes to expressing political views in face-to-face settings, most people are usually polite. With political television, in contrast, there is considerable political disagreement, and the opinion holders that people see are often chosen specifically as exemplars of extremely divergent, highly polarized positions. It is well established that violating norms for interpersonal distance or norms for polite conversation can have important consequences in real life. The chapter addresses whether these same norm violations have consequences when they occur via television. It also provides background on incivility in political discourse and what is known about the importance of spatial distance in how people react to one another.


Author(s):  
Benson Eluma ◽  
Yinka Olarinmoye

For democracy to become the political culture in Nigeria, the discourse of politics has to be conducted through expressive mechanisms owned by the people. In the absence of popular ownership of political language, the road to disconnect, apathy and disenfranchisement lies wide open. We take the view that the problem of politics is located squarely in the public sphere and that discourse is the activity that characterizes the public sphere. We raise the point that the sociolinguistic environment in the country does not encourage whole masses of Nigerians to talk politics in languages in which they can freely articulate their positions and present their aspirations. We posit that citizens are disenfranchised and rendered inaudible and invisible to the extent to which they cannot undertake political discourse with an appreciable measure of linguistic ease. The benefits of diversity are endangered as many people and entire groups in Nigeria lose the means of expressing their political views and opinions, let alone political projects and programmes. Invoking Bakhtin’s concept of heteroglossia, we make a blanket case for the viability of each and every extant language in Nigeria for political discourse if such usage is actively promoted among their respective communities of users.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 349
Author(s):  
Unaiza Saeed ◽  
Muhammad Zammad Aslam ◽  
Abdulrehman Khan ◽  
Mahnoor Khan ◽  
Maria Atiq ◽  
...  

This study aims to explore the rhetorical and persuasive strategies employed by a political leader to propagate his ideology using language. It intends to critically analyze the victory speech of Pakistani Premier Imran Khan (IK)—the Chairman of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)—which he delivered at the Prime Minister House, Islamabad, after being elected as the 22nd Premier of Pakistan in 2018. The researchers attempt to unveil and analyze critically the strategies that worked behind this speech to persuade the audience. Different linguistic tools used for projecting and achieving political power have been identified and scrutinized. The qualitative analysis of the speech is based on theory of Aristotle’s Rhetoric; Ethos, Pathos, Logos and other persuasive strategies like use of personal pronoun, predication strategy, and positive self-presentation and negative others-presentation employed by IK, and further to study how language carries the power of transforming the perception and political views of people. The findings suggest that political discourse is intentionally crafted to communicate and persuade people about specific ideologies located in the discourse in an implicit way and IK uses the Aristotelian rhetorical model comprising of rhetoric, predication strategy, and self-presentation and negative Others-presentation strategy to persuade his audience to follow his hidden agendas.


Author(s):  
Marianna H. Zagazezheva

The article examines the features of the Adyghe-Russian relations in the works of the Adyghe educators. Their lives, activities, and socio-political views indicate the complexity and ambiguity of the Adyghe-Russian relations at all stages of their historical interaction. The history of relations between the Adyghes and Russia is full of both military clashes and periods of military cooperation, processes of rapprochement and mutual cultural enrichment. The author formulated and substantiated the idea that the historical context played the main role in the development of the views of the Adyghe enlighteners. The main feature of the worldview of the representatives of the Adyghe intelligentsia - duality is revealed. This was due to the simultaneous belonging of the Adyghe enlighteners to two cultures: Adyghe and Russian. Adyghe enlighteners advocated the integration of the people into the Russian Empire, but openly criticized the military-power methods of conquering the Adyghes. They proposed a number of measures for the peaceful integration of Circassians into the territorial, political, legal and cultural space of Russia, while preserving their national identity.


2007 ◽  
Vol 101 (4) ◽  
pp. 621-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIANA C. MUTZ

How do Americans acquire the impression that their political foes have some understandable basis for their views, and thus represent a legitimate opposition? How do they come to believe that reasonable people may disagree on any given political controversy? Given that few people talk regularly to those of opposing perspectives, some theorize that mass media, and television in particular, serve as an important source of exposure to the rationales for oppositional views. A series of experimental studies suggests that television does, indeed, have the capacity to encourage greater awareness of oppositional perspectives. However, common characteristics of televised political discourse—incivility and close-up camera perspectives—cause audiences to view oppositional perspectives as less legitimate than they would have otherwise. I discuss the broader implications of these findings for assessments of the impact of television on the political process, and for the perspective that televised political discourse provides on oppositional political views.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Mila Dragojević

This introductory chapter presents the book's argument that collective crimes, or targeted violence against civilians in times of war, are acts with a political goal. But why does targeted violence against civilians occur in some communities and not in others in time of war? This is because the process of ethnicization was triggered there first by two related mechanisms: the exclusion of moderates and the production of borders. Ethnicization can be defined as the fusing of a political goal with ethnicity in order to secure political support. As a result, the range of political options becomes more limited, ambiguity of identification is artificially reduced, and defection from in-group is prevented. Even before the war had started, some communities had already transformed into amoral communities. In these communities, individuals were stripped of the freedom to express themselves or act on the basis of their personal views if those views did not align with one of the dominant and accepted political views. In those communities, eventually, the very definition of crime became altered by the wartime conditions described in the discourse of the local political leaders as the “state of exception,” under which violence against civilians defined as the “enemy” on the other side of the newly drawn border was seen as a form of justified and preemptive self-defense against perceived threats. The chapter then provides a historical context of the first political crises and instances of violence in the territory of Croatia.


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