scholarly journals THE IMPACT OF IMMIGRATION CRISIS ON EUROPE’S CULTURAL CONDITIONS: WHY ARE THE POLES ‘APPREHENSIVE’ ABOUT MUSLIMS?

Author(s):  
Anna М. Solarz

The 2015 immigration crisis revealed the weak cultural condition Europe finds itself in, given the adoption by a majority of states of a model for development that deliberately severs ties with common civilisational roots. However, while Poles do not really nurture prejudices against either Islam or immigrants, a decided majority of them voiced their unwillingness to accept new (mainly Muslim) arrivals, in the context of a solution to the above crisis the EU was intending to impose. A change of policy was thus forced upon the Union by Poland and other CEECs, given the latter’s strong guiding conviction that pursuit of a multicultural ideology leads to a weakening – rather than any improvement – in the condition of culture in Europe, and hence to a sapping of the continent’s power in the international relations sphere. As the crisis has made clear, the EU will probably have to start taking more account of preferences in this part of Europe. This means opportunities for the political science of religion to research the likelihood of a return to the Christian component of European identity, as well as the role this might play in improving the cultural condition of this part of the world.

Author(s):  
Olha Y. Kravchuk ◽  
Volodymyr I. Zabolotnyuk ◽  
Yuliia V. Kobets ◽  
Oksana I. Lypchuk ◽  
Ivanna I. Lomaka

The article examines the impact of the coalition approach in US policy on integration processes in Europe in the post-bipolar era. The aim of this article was to identify the peculiarities of the political situation in the world after a period of escalation of the nuclear conflict. It involved an analysis of sources in the field of coalition approach research in the United States, as well as a comparison of its impact on the political situation and European Union law. The author concluded that there is a lack of proper research in the field of the impact of the coalition approach in US policy in the post-bipolar era, and its impact on integration processes in Europe. Comparing the experience of the EU and the US, it was determined that the awareness of nuclear danger affected the development of a coalition approach in US policy. The study resulted in the identified specifics of the EU’s security policy under the influence of the US coalition approach, where the need to ensure stability and armed security is crucial. Prospects for further research include identifying US influence on Eastern countries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 760-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Newman ◽  
Gëzim Visoka

AbstractThis article explores the European Union’s (EU) practices of international state recognition in a transitional international order. It illustrates the difficulties that the EU has encountered in attempting to reach a collective position on sensitive cases of recognition – through a complex balance of internal and external considerations – at a time when the norms regarding recognition are increasingly under challenge. Whether the organisation takes a collective European position on recognition or allows its members to adopt individual national positions, acute inconsistencies and tensions have been exposed, with implications for the EU’s standing in the world. Through this, the article identifies a key tension between the EU’s normative commitments and its geopolitical interests. In conclusion, the article argues that while a uniform EU policy on recognition may not be feasible and case-by-case pragmatism will likely continue, a more coherent approach and greater understanding of the impact of the EU’s position on recognition are necessary. The article draws upon interview material and extensive analysis of official EU documentation in order to provide new insights into this complex challenge. By exploring the intricacies of recognition politics, the article also makes an empirical contribution to understanding the practice of international relations in this area.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 293-306
Author(s):  
M. M. Lebedeva

Abstract: In the 1960s when it first appeared as a concept public diplomacy was defined very broadly as the impact of a state on a foreign audience. In the 21st century changes in the political organization of the world have led to the strengthening of the social power a state, as well as to the expansion of the means and methods of its use to influence foreign audiences. A new state practice was developed – state policy in the field of international communication. Public diplomacy is only one of the directions of this policy. However, as a result of the initially very broad definition of public diplomacy, it has come to be identified in scientific literature with propaganda, strategic communication, and national branding. The tools developed in related fields – military, commercial – has its own specifics. The article shows that association of these activities with public diplomacy is wrong both in theoretical and practical terms, since it does not allow choosing the appropriate tools of influence for a specific situation. It is argued that under public diplomacy it is still advisable to understand such state communication with a foreign audience, which, firstly, is based on creating attractiveness, secondly, which is focused specifically on the political sphere, and thirdly, it involves dialogue. Comparative analysis of public policy in the field of international communication from different spheres will allow us to better understand the specifics and mechanisms that work in each of these areas. In the middle of the 20th century, non-state actors had not yet entered the international arena en masse, and structures that were “trackers” of state policy were included in public diplomacy in its unofficial channels. Today the situation is much more complicated: along with “trackers” within the framework of unofficial channels of public diplomacy, there are actors of world politics who have significant independence in the world arena and often pursue state policy at their own discretion. As a result, there is often a duplication of certain points, which may be perceived by the external audience as annoying, and on the contrary, there may be contradictions in the actions of various actors of the same state. In any case, in order to somehow reduce such negative effects, it is necessary to study the activities of non-state actors (first of all, actors, and not just “trackers”) of public diplomacy. Also, International Relations (in contrast to other fields of political science) does not study official channels of public diplomacy, including briefings for journalists by various state officials, especially interaction with an external audience through websites, social networks, etc. It is obvious that this subject area should attract the attention of researchers of International Relations to a greater extent than it is observed today.


2012 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-325
Author(s):  
Ana Jovic-Lazic

The paper seeks to explain the basic characteristics, tendencies and perspectives of relations in the USA-EU-Russia triangle and their significance and impact in the wider international context. The author explains the circumstances and the problems the USA, EU and Russia face in their mutual cooperation, as well as the impact of this strategically important cooperation on the overall international relations. She points to the fact that in addition to the many common interests, there are significant differences and contradictions in both international positions, as well as in the immediate and long term goals of the USA, EU and Russia. It is emphasized that an effective fight with a series of new threats and challenges in the world, will ultimately require the restructuring of relations between the EU and NATO, as well as the development of specific strategies for cooperation between USA, EU and Russia. At the same time, as was stated, the EU should play a greater role than before. It is concluded that in this respect there are many unused opportunities for cooperation between Russia, EU and USA, and that the impact of the EU in the world depends upon EU?s willingness and ability to contribute to resolving international security problems.


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-106
Author(s):  
M. A. Muqtedar Khan

This paper seeks to understand the impact of current global politicaland socioeconomic conditions on the construction of identity. I advancean argument based on a two-step logic. First, I challenge the characterizationof current socioeconomic conditions as one of globalization bymarshaling arguments and evidence that strongly suggest that along withglobalization, there are simultaneous processes of localization proliferatingin the world today. I contend that current conditions are indicative ofthings far exceeding the scope of globalization and that they can bedescribed more accurately as ccglocalization.~H’2a ving established thisclaim, I show how the processes of glocalization affect the constructionof Muslim identity.Why do I explore the relationship between glocalization and identityconstruction? Because it is significant. Those conversant with current theoreticaldebates within the discipline of international relations’ are awarethat identity has emerged as a significant explanatory construct in internationalrelations theory in the post-Cold War era.4 In this article, I discussthe emergence of identity as an important concept in world politics.The contemporary field of international relations is defined by threephilosophically distinct research programs? rationalists: constructivists,’and interpretivists.’ The moot issue is essentially a search for the mostimportant variable that can help explain or understand the behavior ofinternational actors and subsequently explain the nature of world politicsin order to minimize war and maximize peace.Rationalists contend that actors are basically rational actors who seekthe maximization of their interests, interests being understood primarilyin material terms and often calculated by utility functions maximizinggiven preferences? Interpretivists include postmodernists, critical theorists,and feminists, all of whom argue that basically the extant worldpolitical praxis or discourses “constitute” international agents and therebydetermine their actions, even as they reproduce world politics by ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Brigitte Le Normand

To understand the distinctiveness of ports under state socialism, it is necessary to shift the focus from the built environment to flows of people, goods, knowledge and capital. In so doing, this article examines the operation of Yugoslavia's main shipping line, Jugolinija, from its inception in 1947 until 1960. This enterprise was based in the port of Rijeka, with both firm and port experiencing rapid growth during this period. The impact of state socialism can be seen in the primacy of the political over the profitability of the firm, with Jugolinija used to advance Yugoslavia's foreign trade and foreign policy, its interests being subordinated to the project of building self-managed socialism. It can also be seen in the unique challenges posed by having to operate at the intersection of the global market and a highly regulated economy – a situation that also created opportunities for the firm as a whole, as well as for its employees, who had access to foreign currency, travel and knowledge of the world. Jugolinija's privileged access to the world in what was still very much a closed society also created opportunities for ‘leaks’ of personnel and goods. Finally, socialist ideology left its imprint on Jugolinija's operations and shaped the ways in which its employees understood their work and the place of the firm within the Yugoslav economy. While it is tempting to see state socialism as ‘getting in the way’ of Jugolinija's business, in actuality the firm was remarkably successful both at operating within the Yugoslav socialist state framework, and capitalizing on the opportunities provided by access to the global market. Jugolinija's employees, in turn, profited from the mobility that came with working for the firm, sometimes at the expense of the enterprise and the state.


Author(s):  
I. Semenenko ◽  
G. Irishin

The economic crisis of 2008–2009 highlighted new problems in the development of the German social market economy model and brought to the forefront the factors of its resilience that have ensured Germany’s leadership positions in the EU. Changes in economic policy have affected in the first place the energy and the financial sectors. Shifts in the political landscape have led to the appearance of new political parties. These changes have affected the results of the 2013 elections, the liberal democrats failure to enter the Bundestag has made the winner – CDU – seek new coalition partners.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristine Sørensen ◽  
Helmut Brand

Abstract A decade ago the European health literacy field was in its infancy. A comparable study among EU Member States was made to explore if health literacy was as much as a concern in Europe as elsewhere in the world. This article analyses the impact of the European Health Literacy project (2009–2012). Based on the outcomes new avenues for health literacy in Europe are proposed. In spite of progress there is still a strong call for actions to make health literacy a priority in the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Alessandro Figus

Abstract The Covid-19 pandemic has made interdependence globally relevant. Communication channels provide us with technological advances; they can make our lives easier, but they can also bring us viruses. In this session, we aim to explore the impact of Covid-19 on relationships between states and other global actors. To what extent will the pandemic affect international relations? What role will emerging actors such as large corporations, pressure groups or multilateral organizations take on? What impact will the possible reconfiguration of global relations have on Europe, but also on the world? This article aims to analyze the consequences of Covid-19 in our societies.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-93
Author(s):  
Mariya Polner

The dissolution of the Soviet Union resulted not only interindependence for Moldova. It also served as a push factor for the secessionist conflict on its territory which due to its unresolved status is referred to as frozen. All attempts of the political settlement since 1990s have ended in deadlock. Interestingly, the EU policies towards Transnistria changed significantly in 2003-2004. From the ‘security consumer’ the EU has been slowly turning into the ‘security provider’. The main goal of this paper is to evaluate the impact of the EU in ensuring security and stability through its involvement in the Transnistrian conflict. For this purpose the study will focus on EU-Moldova relations and the instrument it dedicates to ensuring stability, the EU Border Assistance Mission.


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