scholarly journals RELIGION AND MORAL CONSERVATISM IN BRAZILIAN POLITICS

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-74
Author(s):  
Maria das Dores Campos Machado
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sexual Morality ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Congress ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Moral Conservatism ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Religious Actors

Brazil has experienced a great deal of political instability and a strengthening of conservatism since the last presidential election and which, during the impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, suffered one of its most critical moments. The objective of this communication is to analyse the important role played by religious actors during this process and to demonstrate how the political alliances established between Pentecostals and Charismatic Catholics in the National Congress has made possible a series of political initiatives aimed at dismantling the expansion of human rights and policies of the Workers Party governments. With an anti-Communist spirit and a conservative vision of sexual morality and gender relations, these political groups have in recent years approached the social movement Schools without Party (Escola sem partido) and today represent an enormous challenge to Brazilian democracy.

scholarly journals Elecciones en Chiapas y paralelismos con la elección federal. Sobre "la calidad de la ciudadanía"

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inés Castro Apreza
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Poor Quality ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
Before And After ◽  
Gubernatorial Election

This paper analyzes the gubernatorial election in Chiapas and establishes some similarities with the presidential election. It examines certain relevant indicators: the transition governments that fail to meet the citizen’s expectations, the political alliances formed before and after the elections, the lack of confidence towards the electoral institutions and the vote-tallying process; this last issue was the center of all debates in 2006. Based on evidences, this paper ponders on the poor quality of the citizen’s rights enjoyed in Mexico and studies the possibility of questioning the political transition itself.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Taylor N. Carlson ◽  
Marisa Abrajano ◽  
Lisa García Bedolla
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Discussion ◽  
Policy Attitudes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Knowledge Policy ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Impact

In this chapter, we introduce the theory, situate the research within the literature, preview the results, and provide an overview for the rest of the book. We argue that individuals with varying social positions have political discussion networks that are composed differently, and as a consequence their discussion networks exert distinct effects on their political behavior. We assert that this book makes three central contributions: (1) expanding the scope of the political discussion network literature by providing a comparative analysis across ethnorace, nativity, and gender; (2) demonstrating how historical differences in partisanship, policy attitudes, and engagement are reflected within groups’ social networks; and (3) revealing how the social position of our respondents affects the impact that networks can have on their trust and efficacy in government, political knowledge, policy attitudes, and political and civic engagement patterns.

The Authentic Appeal of the Lying Demagogue: Proclaiming the Deeper Truth about Political Illegitimacy

2018 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Hahl ◽  
Minjae Kim ◽  
Ezra W. Zuckerman Sivan
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
Common Knowledge ◽  
Information Access ◽  
The Political ◽  
Truth Telling ◽  
Language And Gender ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Social Divide

We develop and test a theory to address a puzzling pattern that has been discussed widely since the 2016 U.S. presidential election and reproduced here in a post-election survey: how can a constituency of voters find a candidate “authentically appealing” (i.e., view him positively as authentic) even though he is a “lying demagogue” (someone who deliberately tells lies and appeals to non-normative private prejudices)? Key to the theory are two points: (1) “common-knowledge” lies may be understood as flagrant violations of the norm of truth-telling; and (2) when a political system is suffering from a “crisis of legitimacy” (Lipset 1959) with respect to at least one political constituency, members of that constituency will be motivated to see a flagrant violator of established norms as an authentic champion of its interests. Two online vignette experiments on a simulated college election support our theory. These results demonstrate that mere partisanship is insufficient to explain sharp differences in how lying demagoguery is perceived, and that several oft-discussed factors—information access, culture, language, and gender—are not necessary for explaining such differences. Rather, for the lying demagogue to have authentic appeal, it is sufficient that one side of a social divide regards the political system as flawed or illegitimate.

The Micropolitics of Elder Care in Memento Mori, Diary of a Good Neighbor, and a Taste for Death

1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne E. England ◽  
Carol Ganzer
Keyword(s):  
Social Construction ◽  
Elder Care ◽  
The Political ◽  
Organizational Practices ◽  
Memento Mori ◽  
Cultural Assumptions ◽  
The Social ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Good Neighbor

Using three novels—Muriel Spark's Memento Mori, Doris Lessing's Diary of a Good Neighbor, and P. D. James' A Taste for Death—we examine themes relating to the social construction of caregiving. In our reading of the stories we found numerous instances of the political in the personal, and of how care can be shaped by inequalities of class and gender, by organizational practices and attitudes rooted in cultural assumptions, and by the social idealization of care provided by relatives and friends.

Attitudes toward Cohabitation, Family, and Gender Roles: Relationships to Values and Political Ideology

1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane N. Lye ◽  
Ingrid Waldron
Keyword(s):  
Gender Roles ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Higher Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Weak Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Concerns ◽  
And Gender

This study investigates four hypotheses concerning relationships between values or beliefs and attitudes toward cohabitation, family and gender roles. These are the Social Concerns Hypothesis, the Political Ideology Hypothesis, the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and the Consumerism Hypothesis. Each hypothesis has been tested, using data from several nationally representative subsamples of white high school seniors. As predicted by the Social Concerns Hypothesis, students with more social concerns had more favorable attitudes toward gender equality and nontraditional gender roles, particularly among males. This finding suggests that, for males, concern for fairness and the well-being of others may be an important motive for support for gender equality and acceptance of nontraditional gender roles. As predicted by the Political Ideology Hypothesis, conservative political beliefs were associated with traditional attitudes toward cohabitation, family, and gender roles. In contrast, our findings provide only weak support for the Higher Order Needs Hypothesis, and our findings suggest that the Consumerism Hypothesis should be reformulated.

scholarly journals Equality just Over the Horizon: Soviet Gender Equality in Law and Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-181
Author(s):  
Valdemaras Klumbys
Keyword(s):  
Gender Equality ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Relation ◽  
Gender Policy ◽  
Law And Policy ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Family ◽  
And Gender

This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if ) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most important periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women’s situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply ‘conservative-liberal’ or ‘traditional- liberal’ distinctions in both policy and reality.

scholarly journals TRIPLE IDENTITY IN CONFLICT: ethnography in legislative media and its possibilities

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 424-451
Author(s):  
Cristiane Brum Bernardes ◽  
Sarah Albertina Cerqueira Nunez
Keyword(s):  
Social Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Hybrid Identity ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Public Servant ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Journalism Research ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACT – This article analyzes the challenges, obstacles, and theoretical and methodological advances that the ethnography of organizations can bring to journalism research based on two studies on legislative media in the Brazilian National Congress. It discusses how the triple identity of ethnographer-journalist-public servant complicates the analysis of these media outlets, creating an environment favorable to reflexivity. Based on the assumption that such media are a privileged space to observe the relationship between the political and journalistic fields, this study concludes that the ethnography advantages are related to the possibility of perceiving and understanding the hybrid identity of the observed subjects, and the researchers themselves. The political role of actors in this context is complex and emphasized in order to further the understanding of the social role of journalism.RESUMO – Este estudo analisa desafios, obstáculos e avanços teóricos e metodológicos que a perspectiva da etnografia das organizações pode trazer à pesquisa em jornalismo, com base em duas análises das mídias legislativas do Congresso Nacional. Discute-se como a tripla identidade de etnógrafa-jornalistaservidora pública complexifica as análises sobre esses veículos, criando um ambiente favorável à reflexividade. Partindo do pressuposto de que tais mídias são um espaço privilegiado para observar a relação entre os campos político e jornalístico, o estudo conclui que os ganhos da etnografia estão relacionados à possibilidade de perceber e compreender a identidade híbrida dos sujeitos observados, e do próprio pesquisador. No contexto estudado, o papel político dos atores é complexificado e colocado em evidência, o que amplia a compreensão do papel social do jornalismo.RESUMEN – Este estudio aborda desafíos, obstáculos y avances teóricos y metodológicos que la perspectiva de la etnografía de las organizaciones puede aportar a la investigación en periodismo, a partir de dos análisis de los medios legislativos del Congreso Nacional brasileño. Se discute cómo la triple identidad de etnógrafo-periodista-servidor público compleja el análisis de estos vehículos, creando un ambiente favorable a la reflexividad. Partiendo del supuesto de que dichos medios son un espacio privilegiado para observar la relación entre los campos político y periodístico, el estudio concluye que las ganancias de la etnografía están relacionadas con la posibilidad de percibir y comprender la identidad híbrida de los sujetos observados y del propio investigador. En el contexto estudiado, se compleja y resalta el rol político de los actores, lo que amplía la comprensión de la función social del periodismo.

scholarly journals The Social Policy of Combating Domestic Violence in Georgia and Lithuania

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (15) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Lina Šumskaitė ◽  
Salome Namicheishvili
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Women Victims ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Common ◽  
Victims Of Violence ◽  
And Gender ◽  
High Level

Domestic violence is perceived as one of the most severe violations of human rights and gender inequality. It has negative psychological, social and economic impact on the victim. In seeking to combat violence of an intimate partner, laws against domestic violence were implemented in many European countries. Two countries, Lithuania and Georgia, are compared in the article. Even if they have different locations and patriarchal traditions, the common past of belonging to Soviet Union unites them.The article compares the political measures and their impact on the solution of the domestic violence problem. Even the laws criminalizing domestic violence were implemented in 2006 in Georgia and in 2011 in Lithuania. The problem of domestic violence remains a top issue in both countries. The amount of reported domestic violence events maintains a high level; however, the investigated cases level remains low. Still, a high level of unreported domestic violence cases remain in both countries. Insufficient shelters for women victims of violence remain a problem in both countries.

scholarly journals Kitab Mir’at al-Ṭullāb dan Penerapan Fiqh Iṣlāḥ dalam Konflik Komunal pada Masa 'Abd al-Ra'ūf al-Sinkīlī

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-47
Author(s):  
Zainal Muttaqin
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Social History ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Social ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Groups

The Mir’at al-Ṭullāb written by al-Sinkīlī in the seventeenth century apparently did not mention the requirement of being male to become a head of state (sultan). This is interesting because the Shāfi‘ī school of fiqh which is used as a reference actually mentions this condition. Therefore, it is necessary to pay attention to the factors underlying it. Based on the literature studies and looking at the social history of the Acehnese people at that time, it can be found that the book was written when the Acehnese were polarized and there were conflicts between different religious and political groups. The conflict was very severe and was able to threaten the unity and power of the sultan at that time. The exclusion of being male as one of the requirements for public office (political authority or judge) is a manifestation of the application of Islamic jurisprudence by al-Sinkīlī which was introduced from the Qur’ān and the Sunnah so that it became legitimate (shar‘ī) while at the same time strengthening the position of the sultan, the idea of which was eventually able to reduce the political conflict in the community. 

scholarly journals Parodies of whiteness: Die Antwoord and the politics of race, gender, and class in South Africa

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-147
Author(s):  
Ian Bekker ◽  
Erez Levon
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
The Social ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
New Nation ◽  
Politics Of Race ◽  
And Gender

AbstractThe dramatic reconfiguration of the social, political, and ideological order in South Africa since 1990/1994 has demanded a concomitant reconceptualization of (white) Afrikaner notions of self and belonging in the (new) nation. In this article, we draw on recent developments in the study of varidirectional voicing (polyphony), performance, and mediatization to examine how the South African rap-rave group Die Antwoord makes use of parody and metaparody in their music to critique emerging ‘new Afrikaner’ identities and the racial, class, and gender configurations on which they are based. We also discuss the structural limits of these critiques and the political potential of (meta)parodic performance more generally. ((Meta)parody, polyphony, performance, race, class, gender, South Africa)*

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