#MeToo: A Comparative Study of the #MeToo Movement in the United States and South Korea Using Collective Action Frames and Hashtag Feminism

Author(s):  
Ma. Jestine Mendoza

The #MeToo movement is one of the most prominent feminist social movements in recent history. Its success exposed the prevalence of sexual harassment in several countries. Although it started in the United States, there are versions of #MeToo in countries such as South Korea. This paper compared the #MeToo movement in the United States and in South Korea through the examination of hashtags and collective action frames that encouraged women to speak out. By evoking messages of empathy, empowerment, and solidarity, #MeToo was able to garner widespread support. Moreover, this paper examined the different factors that will contribute to #MeToo’s sustainability in both countries. These factors include policies that aim to address sexual harassment, legal actions against perpetrators, and other efforts that aim to change the culture of sexism. However, the political and cultural differences between the two countries may result in varying degrees of sustainability. In the United States, policy reforms were introduced because of #MeToo. High-profile cases of sexual harassment were also resolved through the imprisonment of perpetrators. South Korea’s #MeToo led to similar successes, such as receiving support from the government to tackle sexual harassment. This paper finds that the #MeToo movement in the United States is more sustainable due to the policies and legislations that the movement influenced. South Korea has yet to create policies that aim to protect women from sexual harassment. Furthermore, the paper finds that policy and legal reforms are more sustainable because they signify the institutionalization of #MeToo’s main goal of protecting women and providing justice to victims of sexual abuse.

Author(s):  
Timothy Zick

This chapter focuses on parades, pickets, and demonstrations, which are forms of civic engagement that communicate aspirations, ideas, and, quite often, dissenting opinions to fellow citizens, governments, and broader audiences. For many, gathering together in public, in these and similar forms, is a cathartic act of self-fulfilment and a demonstration of solidarity. Collective action in the form of public gatherings is an integral part of any system of communicative freedom. In the United States, in addition to the freedom of speech, rights to ‘peaceably assemble’ and to ‘petition the Government for a redress of grievances’ are explicitly provided for in the First Amendment to the Constitution. Ultimately, parades, pickets, and demonstrations all further basic expressive values relating to self-governance, the search for truth, and individual autonomy. Nevertheless, Americans seeking to engage in collective modes of expression face a variety of doctrinal, legal, social, and political challenges. The chapter then details how digital connectivity has facilitated expressive opportunities by connecting individuals and supporting new forms of associational activity.


10.2196/20634 ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (8) ◽  
pp. e20634 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abrar Al-Hasan ◽  
Dobin Yim ◽  
Jiban Khuntia

Background Social distancing is an effective preventative policy for the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) that is enforced by governments worldwide. However, significant variations are observed in following the policy across individuals and countries. Arguably, differences in citizens’ adherence actions will be influenced by their perceptions about government’s plans and the information available to guide their behaviors—more so in the digital age in the realm of mass influence of social media on citizens. Insights into the underlying factors and dynamics involved with citizens’ adherence process will inform the policy makers to follow appropriate communication and messaging approaches to influence citizens’ willingness to adhere to the recommendations. Objective The aim of this study is a comparative evaluation of citizens’ adherence process to COVID-19–relevant recommendations by the government. The focus is on how three different countries’ (United States, Kuwait, and South Korea) citizens, randomly sampled, respond to governments’ pandemic guidance efforts. We draw insights into two categories of perceived government roles in managing the pandemic: (1) citizens’ perceptions of government’s role in responding to the pandemic and (2) citizens’ perceptions of government’s business reopening efforts. Undoubtedly, the internet and social media have burgeoned, with differing effects on shaping individuals’ views and assessments of the COVID-19 situation; we argue and test for the effects of information sources, social media use, and knowledge on the adherence actions. Methods We randomly sampled web-based survey data collected by a global firm in May 2020 from citizens of the United States, Kuwait, and South Korea. A nonlinear ordered probit regression, controlling for several counterfactuals, was used for analysis. The focal estimated effects of the study were compared across countries using the weighted distance between the parameter estimates. Results The total sample size was 482 respondents, of which 207 (43%) lived in the United States, 181 (38%) lived in Kuwait, and 94 (20%) lived in South Korea. The ordered probit estimation results suggest that overall, perception of government response efforts positively influenced self-adherence (P<.001) and others’ adherence (P<.001) to social distancing and sheltering. Perception of government business reopening efforts positively influenced others’ adherence (P<.001). A higher intensity of general health information source for COVID-19 had a positive effect on self-adherence (P=.003). A higher intensity of social media source use for COVID-19 positively influenced others’ adherence (P=.002). A higher intensity of knowledge on COVID-19 positively influenced self-adherence (P=.008) and negatively influenced others’ adherence (P<.001). There were country-level variations—broadly, the United States and Kuwait had better effects than South Korea. Conclusions As the COVID-19 global pandemic continues to grow and governmental restrictions are ongoing, it is critical to understand people’s frustration to reduce panic and promote social distancing to facilitate the control of the pandemic. This study finds that the government plays a central role in terms of adherence to restrictions. Governments need to enhance their efforts on publicizing information on the pandemic, as well as employ strategies for improved communication management to citizens through social media as well as mainstream information sources.


Author(s):  
Chung-In Moon

This chapter looks at South Korea's response to the rise of China. It establishes South Korea's growing dependence on the Chinese economy and its growing cooperation with China to manage North Korean belligerence. The rise of China creates strategic pressure on South Korea both to accommodate Chinese interests and to maintain defense cooperation with the United States, and that this policy challenge is exacerbated by politically significant anti-Japanese nationalism in South Korea. The result has been significant South Korean policy instability. The policy swings in South Korea's maneuvering between the United States and China from the government of Roh Moo-hyun to that of Lee Myung-bak and then to Park Geun-hye reveal the difficulty that great power competition during a power transition imposes on a small country.


Author(s):  
Reiji Suda

AbstractThis report uses the SIQR model proposed by Takashi Odagaki to examine the epidemic trend of COVID-19 in nine major countries during February-May 2020, and to clarify the peculiar trend of infection in Japan. The SIQR model, which is an improvement on the conventional SIR model, is unique in that it allows us to theoretically clarify the epidemic phenomenon by separating the number of daily confirmed new cases by testing and the number of infecteds at large who remain untested, and also allows us to theoretically consider measures to control the epidemic. The infection control measures of each country were analyzed by dividing them into three groups according to the size of the decay (or growth) rate of infected at large (λ). The active group includes China and South Korea, the passive group includes the United States and Sweden, and the average group includes Germany, Italy, France, Spain, and Japan. China and South Korea are the countries with the best testing and quarantine systems, and South Korea in particular having managed to contain the infection without lockdown through early quarantine by thorough testing. On the other hand, the United States and Sweden do not have a well-developed inspection and quarantine system and have shown little restraint in social distancing. In the case of Japan, the following special factors may have contributed to the extreme lack of PCR testing : (1) The “4-day fever rule” established by the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare was strictly enforced. (2) Even after the decision to postpone the Olympics, the government continued to monopolize PCR testing for the sake of unified analysis of infection data, and the policy of expanding PCR testing by private companies was not implemented.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni A. Travaglino ◽  
Chanki Moon

The coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic is an unprecedented health crisis. Many governments around the world have responded by implementing lockdown measures of various degrees of intensity. To be effective, these measures must rely on citizens’ cooperation. In the present study, we drew samples from the United States (N = 597), Italy (N = 606), and South Korea (N = 693) and examined predictors of compliance with social distancing and intentions to report the infection to both authorities and acquaintances. Data were collected between April 6th and 8th 2020. We investigated the role of cultural orientations of horizontal and vertical individualism and collectivism, self-conscious emotions of shame and guilt related to the infection and trust in the government’s action. Across all countries, vertical collectivism (VC) predicted stronger shame, whereas horizontal collectivism predicted stronger trust in the government. Only in the United States, VC was associated with stronger trust. Stronger feelings of shame predicted lower compliance and intentions to report the infection to both authorities and acquaintances. In contrast, guilt was associated with stronger intentions to report the infection to the authorities. Finally, trust was associated with stronger compliance and intentions to report the infection to the authorities. Unlike Italy and South Korea, the association between trust on compliance was not statistically significant in the United States, implications of the findings, and directions for future research are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 195
Author(s):  
Ahmad Gelora Mahardika

One of the goals of the formation of the omnibus law is to increase the index of ease of doing business in Indonesia, which is currently far behind other countries. One effort that was then carried out by the government was to cut down a number of permits, one of which was an environmental permit, namely the obligation to complete EIA and UKL-UPL documents. However, this regulation is actually contradictory to the spirit of sustainable development (SDGs) which development must be in line with environmental protection. The action also has the potential to violate Article 28H paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution which requires the state to ensure the protection of citizens' constitutional rights to a clean and healthy environment. Especially in countries that have the highest business ease indexes, such as Denmark, South Korea and the United States, the issuance of EIA documents is mandatory and is carried out strictly. Therefore this article will try to look at the implications of the omnibus law for citizens' constitutional rights to a clean and healthy environment.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abrar Al-Hasan ◽  
Dobin Yim ◽  
Jiban Khuntia

BACKGROUND Social distancing is an effective preventative policy for the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) that is enforced by governments worldwide. However, significant variations are observed in following the policy across individuals and countries. Arguably, differences in citizens’ adherence actions will be influenced by their perceptions about government’s plans and the information available to guide their behaviors—more so in the digital age in the realm of mass influence of social media on citizens. Insights into the underlying factors and dynamics involved with citizens’ adherence process will inform the policy makers to follow appropriate communication and messaging approaches to influence citizens’ willingness to adhere to the recommendations. OBJECTIVE The aim of this study is a comparative evaluation of citizens’ adherence process to COVID-19–relevant recommendations by the government. The focus is on how three different countries’ (United States, Kuwait, and South Korea) citizens, randomly sampled, respond to governments’ pandemic guidance efforts. We draw insights into two categories of perceived government roles in managing the pandemic: (1) citizens’ perceptions of government’s role in responding to the pandemic and (2) citizens’ perceptions of government’s business reopening efforts. Undoubtedly, the internet and social media have burgeoned, with differing effects on shaping individuals’ views and assessments of the COVID-19 situation; we argue and test for the effects of information sources, social media use, and knowledge on the adherence actions. METHODS We randomly sampled web-based survey data collected by a global firm in May 2020 from citizens of the United States, Kuwait, and South Korea. A nonlinear ordered probit regression, controlling for several counterfactuals, was used for analysis. The focal estimated effects of the study were compared across countries using the weighted distance between the parameter estimates. RESULTS The total sample size was 482 respondents, of which 207 (43%) lived in the United States, 181 (38%) lived in Kuwait, and 94 (20%) lived in South Korea. The ordered probit estimation results suggest that overall, perception of government response efforts positively influenced self-adherence (<i>P</i>&lt;.001) and others’ adherence (<i>P</i>&lt;.001) to social distancing and sheltering. Perception of government business reopening efforts positively influenced others’ adherence (<i>P</i>&lt;.001). A higher intensity of general health information source for COVID-19 had a positive effect on self-adherence (<i>P</i>=.003). A higher intensity of social media source use for COVID-19 positively influenced others’ adherence (<i>P</i>=.002). A higher intensity of knowledge on COVID-19 positively influenced self-adherence (<i>P</i>=.008) and negatively influenced others’ adherence (<i>P</i>&lt;.001). There were country-level variations—broadly, the United States and Kuwait had better effects than South Korea. CONCLUSIONS As the COVID-19 global pandemic continues to grow and governmental restrictions are ongoing, it is critical to understand people’s frustration to reduce panic and promote social distancing to facilitate the control of the pandemic. This study finds that the government plays a central role in terms of adherence to restrictions. Governments need to enhance their efforts on publicizing information on the pandemic, as well as employ strategies for improved communication management to citizens through social media as well as mainstream information sources.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


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