Casual Vacancies under Proportional Representation

Author(s):  
Greg Taylor

Various systems have been tried or proposed for filling casual vacancies in legislative Houses elected by proportional representation. Because such Houses involve multi-member constituencies and representatives of a variety of views, the traditional by-election to elect a single member would not be sensible as the majority would win even seats previously held by minorities. Thus, various other methods of filling casual vacancies have been adopted. Some involve a new selection in the form of indirect election by continuing Members of Parliament (‘MPs’), while others involve a process which does not require renewed political judgement such as re-examining the ballot papers from the general election. Several other methods of replacing departed members have also been used or proposed in Australia. This article outlines the features of all the systems, past, existing or proposed, and assesses them against a list of criteria which represent the desirable features of such a system.

Author(s):  
Erik S. Herron

Scholarship on the classification, origins, incentives, and consequences of mixed-member electoral systems has matured, especially over the last two decades. While mixed-member electoral systems (also known as mixed electoral systems) have been in constant use since Germany adopted a mixed-member proportional system for assembly elections following World War II, researchers did not begin to fully probe the implications of this electoral system until its expansion across the globe beginning in the 1990s. Mixed-member electoral systems share an important characteristic: voter preferences are translated into outcomes by at least two allocation formulas applied in the same election. While voters typically receive a ballot to select a representative in a constituency (often using first-past-the-post) and a ballot to select a party list (often using a form of proportional representation (PR)), the institutional features of mixed-member systems vary substantially. A crucial distinction among mixed-member systems is whether or not seat allocation in the constituency and proportional representation tiers is linked (mixed-member proportional, or MMP) or unlinked (mixed-member majoritarian, or MMM). Across the universe of mixed-member systems, one finds additional differences in the number of ballots voters receive; the electoral formulas and thresholds used to determine winners; the proportion of seats allocated to each component; the ability of candidates to contest seats in both components during the same election; and other critical aspects of the rules. Scholarship classifying mixed-member systems has highlighted different aspects of the rules to sort them into categories. A substantial amount of scholarship on mixed-member systems has emphasized the debate about the incentives that the systems generate. The “controlled comparison” approach treats the components as if they are independent from one another and the “contamination effects” approach treats the components as if they are interdependent. These competing schools of thought generate different expectations, with the former generally anticipating compliance with Duverger’s propositions and the latter anticipating divergence. Subsequent scholarship has been split about which approach better explains observed behavior. However, many of the perceived differences between the approaches may be artificial, generated by extreme interpretations of the theoretical expectations that lack appropriate nuance. In other words, it may be inappropriate to treat this scholarship as strictly dichotomous. The extant literature on mixed-member systems evaluates data from surveys, interviews, personnel files, roll-call voting, and election returns to understand the behavior of voters, candidates, parties, and legislators. It assesses how the incentives of mixed-member systems contribute to outcomes such as the party system, descriptive representation, and policy decisions. It also explores the presence or absence of a “mandate divide”: the expectation that members of parliament (MPs) selected in the constituency component might behave differently than their counterparts in the party list component. The research is often cross-national, but studies of certain countries with mixed-member systems predominate: Germany, Japan, and New Zealand among established democracies, and central or east European countries among transitional societies. The literature presents many opportunities to generate more nuanced theory, explore different research methodologies (e.g., experimental work), and extend spatial coverage to under-studied countries.


1929 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 459-461
Author(s):  
Adamantios Th. Polyzoides

Following the adoption by Greece of proportional representation in the general election of November 7, 1926, that system was abandoned in the last election, held on August 19, 1928, on the ground that it failed to give the country a strong and homogenous government. The earlier operation of “P. R.” in Greece was set forth in a former number of this Review. In a total of 286 seats, in the election of 1926, the Venizelist Republican group secured 144, as against the Antivenizelist Royalist group which secured 130, there being also a unit of nine Communists and three Agrarians elected to that Chamber. In view of the impossibility of either of the major groups forming a cabinet with the strong support of the Chamber, a coalition ministry was resorted to, and it worked with marked success so long as a compromise program was followed. This cabinet, under the leadership of the veteran statesman, Dr. Alexander Zaimis, himself not a deputy, was supported in the Chamber by the 106 votes of the Liberal Union, the 18 of the Republican Union, the 63 of the Popular Royalists, and the 54 of the Free Opinion Moderate Royalist party, thus having a total support of 241 votes, against 45 disunited and leaderless opponents. This coalition was able to heal the serious breach that had split the Hellenic nation since 1915 over the question of Greek participation in the World War or absolute neutrality. The ministry was, furthermore, instrumental in bringing some order into the chaotic finances of the country.


The March 24 general election involves mixed-member proportional representation


2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-190 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDRÉ BLAIS ◽  
AGNIESKA DOBRZYNSKA ◽  
INDRIDI H. INDRIDASON

In September 1864, the Association Internationale pour le Progrès des Sciences Sociales met in Amsterdam to examine the system of proportional representation (PR) which had just been proposed by Thomas Hare. The meeting signalled a growing interest in systems of PR across the more democratic nations of the world – some of which had already begun experimenting with it. Sixty years later, the majority of existing democracies, including Austria, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Luxemburg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland, had adopted PR for the election of their national legislatures.Why did so many countries decide to shift to PR? Why did the shift occur at a given point in time, not earlier or later? Why did some countries never move to PR? These are the questions that we address in this Note.We are interested in exploring the factors that influenced the decision to adopt PR at the turn of the twentieth century. We argue that two factors of considerable theoretical relevance were particularly important in facilitating the shift to PR: the spread of democratic ideas and the presence of a majority (usually two-round) system and, as a consequence, a multi-party system.Carstairs's classic history of electoral systems shows that at the turn of the twentieth century there was a strong demand for PR, which was linked to a more general demand for democratization. As Carstairs notes,there was a general movement in the direction of more democratic political institutions which took several different forms … There was a movement for the establishment or strengthening of parliamentary institutions … Extensions of the franchise for parliamentary elections enabled an increasingly large proportion of the population to gain representation in parliament … With these developments it became a matter of increasing concern that the elected members of parliament and the parties they supported should fairly represent the various interests and opinions of the electorate.


2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT PEKKANEN ◽  
BENJAMIN NYBLADE ◽  
ELLIS S. KRAUSS

How do electoral incentives affect legislative organization? Through an analysis of Japan's mixed-member electoral system, we demonstrate that legislative organization is strongly influenced not only by the individual legislators reelection incentives but also by their interest in their party gaining power and maintaining a strong party label. Electorally vulnerable legislators are given choice legislative positions to enhance their prospects at the polls, whereas (potential) party leaders disproportionately receive posts with greater influence on the party's overall reputation. Members of Parliament elected from proportional representation (PR) lists and in single member districts also receive different types of posts, reflecting their distinct electoral incentives. Even small variations in electoral rules can have important consequences for legislative organization. In contrast to Germany's compensatory mixed-member system, Japan's parallel system (combined with a “best loser” or “zombie” provision) generates incentives for the party to allocate posts relating to the distribution of particularistic goods to those elected in PR.


Utilitas ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Robson

So, on 22 July 1865 (p. 32), under the title ‘Philosophy and Punch’, did England's premier comic weekly greet the election of J. S. Mill as MP for Westminster. Mill held his seat for only one term, until the general election of 1868, when his Whig-Liberal colleague Robert Wellesley Grosvenor was re-elected, but Mill was replaced by the loser in 1865, the Conservative W. H. Smith, Jr., who, though he never went to sea, became the ruler of the Queen's navy. The reasons for that reversal have engaged the attention of many, including Mill himself; I should like to introduce into the discussion material from an ignored source, the comic weeklies, which took a continued and close look at Mill's behaviour during his parliamentary years. While this evidence generally does not disconfirm earlier judgments—including my own— it does more than merely add to the induction. First, it shows how different political stances led journals to focus on different aspects of Mill's parliamentary career, and to adopt different rhetorical strategies in portraying him in picture and word. Second, it demonstrates how the hardening of party allegiances during the parliament of 1865–68, which accelerated in the preparatory campaigns for the general election of 1868, affected Mill adversely. Third, it suggests strongly that it was not his ‘crotchets’ or ‘whims’, especially women's suffrage and proportional representation, that damaged his chances for re-election, but his advocacy of causes unpopular with the majority of Liberals as well as with Conservatives.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Faiza Renaldi ◽  
Alfin Dhuhawan Bagja ◽  
Gunawan Abdillah

Indonesia held its first general election in 1955 to elect legislatures from all provinces. The latest was held in 2014, which elected 560 members to the People's Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) and 128 to the Regional Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, DPD). The PRC was elected by proportional representation from multi-candidate constituencies/districts. Currently, there are 77 constituencies in Indonesia, each of which returns 3-10 Members of Parliament based on population. Under Indonesia's new multi-party system, no party has been able to secure an outright victory; hence, selecting the right candidate for the right constituencies has been a major effort for all participating parties. Many combinations have been tried; popularities, intelligence, public figures, ‘putera daerah’ are all variables that can only show a fraction of winning pattern where no general conclusion can be drawn. This research used data mining techniques to create an unfound pattern, and to suggest which particular legislative candidate is most suitable for which constituency. Using 11 West Java constituencies (11 clusters), K-Nearest Neighbors (K-NN) algorithms, we found out that an 83.33% accuracy using data from 2014 general election.


Significance Members of Parliament (MPs) opposed to a no-deal Brexit have won a crucial vote that will allow them to take control of the parliamentary timetable today and table a motion to block a no-deal Brexit on October 31, which they are expected to win. Impacts If legislation is not approved before prorogation, it will be wiped out, as a new parliamentary session will commence on October 14. An early general election could prove, in effect, a second referendum on Brexit. The Conservatives, following the deselection of dissidents, will have a much clearer Brexit strategy in the election than the Labour Party. Under a no-deal scenario, London would be negotiating the future UK-EU relationship with less leverage as a non-member state. Brexit, deal or no deal, will be the prelude to the negotiation of a final relationship with the EU that could prove highly contentious.


1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adamantios Th. Polyzoides

On November 7 Greece held its first general election under the system of proportional representation, using a modified form of the Belgian system. This innovation was imposed on the country despite the most strenuous opposition by all of the old parties, the majority of the press, and the bulk of public opinion, and its adoption was a clear victory of the minority parties, assisted by the Military League and the then dictator General Kondylis.The arguments of the established parties in favor of the old plurality system ran on lines too familiar to require extensive statement here. The former system, according to its supporters, usually assures the election of large majorities, one way or the other, and enables Parliament to give the country what we call a strong government, such as Greece needed at the time of the election. Great Britain and the United States were offered as the outstanding examples of the efficiency of the two-party system, which is best served by the old-fashioned electoral method of absolute plurality. Naturally enough, Belgium was cited as the worst exponent of the evils of proportional representation.


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