Left branch extraction, object shift, and freezing effects in Tumbalá Ch’ol

Abstract Background Our purpose is to compare the stent patency and clinical outcome of trans-jugular intra-hepatic porto-systemic shunt (TIPS) through the left branch portal vein (TIPS-LPV) to the standard TIPS through the right branch (TIPS-RPV). We retrospectively reviewed all patients (n = 54) with refractory portal hypertension who were subjected to TIPS-LPV at our institute (TIPS-LPV) between 2016 and 2018. These patients were matched with 56 control patients treated with the standard TIPS-RPV (TIPS-RPV). The 2 groups were compared regarding the stent patency rate, encephalopathy, and re-interventions for 1 year after the procedure. Results TIPS-LPV group showed 12 months higher patency rate (90.7% compared to 73.2%) (P < 0.005). The number of the encephalopathy attacks in the TIPS-LPV group was significantly lower than that of the TIPS-RPV group at 6 and 12 months of follow-up [P = 0.012 and 0.036, respectively]. Re-bleeding and improvement of ascites were the same in the two groups [P > 0.05]. Patients underwent TIPS-LPV needed less re-interventions and required less hospitalizations than those with TIPS-RPV [P = 0.039 and P = 0.03, respectively]. Conclusion The new TIPS approach is to extend the stent to LPV. This new TIPS-LPV approach showed the same clinical efficiency as the standard TIPS-RPV in treating variceal bleeding and ascites. However, it proved a better stent patency with lower rates of re-interventions, encephalopathy, and hospital admissions than TIPS through the right branch.

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Equidistance returns

The Linguistic Review ◽

10.1515/tlr-2018-0002 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 35 (3) ◽

pp. 413-461 ◽

Cited By ~ 3

Author(s):

Nicholas Longenbaugh ◽

Maria Polinsky

Keyword(s):

Subject Position ◽

Matrix Clause ◽

Content Type ◽

Object Shift ◽

Case System ◽

The Matrix ◽

Case Licensing ◽

Embedded Clause ◽

Text Content ◽

Semantic Object

Abstract Modern generative linguistic theory furnishes a variety of general principles that appear to be at work in the grammar of all the world’s languages. One of the most basic and uncontroversial of these principles is that Agree/Move operates according to the constraint Attract Closest, which dictates that the closest suitable goal must be the target for the relevant operation (Rizzi 1990; Chomsky 1995, 2000; Richards 1998). The Polynesian language Niuean (Tongic subgroup, predicate initial word order, ergative-absolutive case system) presents a well known challenge to the universality of {Attract Closest}. The challenge manifests in a variety of distinct constructions in Niuean, but the best known case involves an operation first documented by Seiter (1980), which he terms “raising.” Specifically, Niuean raising appears to license an A-type dependency between the subject position of the matrix clause and the object position of an immediately embedded clause. This is illustrated in (1), where the semantic object of the embedded subjunctive clause, Sione, appears as the syntactic subject of the matrix predicate maeke. (1) To maeke a Sione$_{1}$ [ke lagomatai he ekekafo $t_{1}$]. fut possible abs Sione sbj help erg doctor ‘It’s possible the doctor can help Sione.’ (lit.: Sione is possible that the doctor help [him]) Granting that the filler-gap dependency in (1) is A-type, this is both a clear violation of {Attract closest} (Rizzi 1992; Chomsky 1995; Richards 1998) and a typological anomaly. Our aim in this paper is to argue that such apparent violations of {Attract Closest} are only that. Specifically, we show first that the challenge inherent in Seiter’s raising construction is pervasive throughout the language: in general, objects are accessible to syntactic operations even if the intervening clause-mate subject is also a licit target. In other words, Niuean clause-mate subjects and objects are equally accessible to syntactic operations. Then, we argue that this typologically uncommon equal-accessibility follows from the convergence of several otherwise independently attested operations: (i) a configurational system of case licensing, with a $v$P as the case computation domain; (ii) obligatory object shift to Spec($v$P); (iii) an EPP on T triggering V/VP-raising rather than DP externalization. The resulting basic clause structure is then as below, so that Niuean adheres to standard locality constraints. (2)

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Object Shift and linearization at the PF interface

Theoretical Linguistics ◽

10.1515/thli.2005.31.1-2.199 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 31 (1-2) ◽

Author(s):

Balázs Surányi

Keyword(s):

Object Shift ◽

Pf Interface

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The investigation of the left branch Paschen curve under nonuniform field condition

Proceedings ISDEIV. 19th International Symposium on Discharges and Electrical Insulation in Vacuum (Cat. No.00CH37041) ◽

10.1109/deiv.2000.877242 ◽

2002 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

V.V. Choulkov

Keyword(s):

Field Condition ◽

Nonuniform Field ◽

Left Branch ◽

Paschen Curve

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Asymmetries in sub-extraction out of np in Slovenian: a magnitude estimation study

Linguistica ◽

10.4312/linguistica.56.1.253-271 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 56 (1) ◽

pp. 253-271 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Artur Stepanov ◽

Manca Mušič ◽

Penka Stateva

Keyword(s):

Magnitude Estimation ◽

Noun Phrases ◽

Slavic Languages ◽

Island Effect ◽

Locality Constraint ◽

Left Branch ◽

Subject Noun ◽

Previous Claim

In this work, we aim to clarify the empirical paradigm that bears on two aspects of syntactic locality in Slovenian. First, building on previous work, we investigate how robustly Slovenian observes the syntactic locality constraint precluding constituent sub-extraction out of subject noun phrases. Second, we ask whether Slovenian allows Left Branch Extraction in interrogative and non-interrogative sentences. To elucidate both issues, we conducted a magnitude estimation study, the results of which support our previous claim that there is a subject island effect in Slovenian. Furthermore, our results suggest that Slovenian disallows Left Branch Extraction, in contrast with some other Slavic languages. We also discuss theoretical consequences of our empirical findings.

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