scholarly journals Consonant harmony in Nilotic: contrastive specifications and Stratal OT

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Mackenzie
Keyword(s):  
2014 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-307
Author(s):  
Mi-Hui Cho ◽  
Shinsook Lee

Abstract Data collected from one Korean child in a longitudinal diary study present novel patterns of consonant harmony in that labials, coronals, and velars can be triggers and targets of both progressive and regressive non-local place assimilation in an early stage of development. The same child also shows some cases of local regressive place assimilation. In another study where 4 children's data were gathered from a naturalistic longitudinal study, local regressive place assimilation as well as conso-nant harmony is witnessed regardless of place features. In adult Korean, however, only coronal to labial/velar and labial to velar local regressive assimilation occurs. This paper argues that the non-local and local place assimilation is connected and shows that the connection can be accounted for in terms of different constraint rankings within the Optimality-theoretic framework. More specifically, it is shown that the Ident-Onset(place) constraint plays a decisive role even in the early stage of acquisition, unlike child English, accounting for the predominant regressive assimilation. Also, the Agree-Place constraint is exploded into two sub-constraints in Stage 3, capturing the asymmetrical behavior of assimilation. Further, the unranking of place features in early development gradually evolves to the fixed ranking which reflects the universal markedness hierarchy in adult Korean.


1989 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward H. Matthei

ABSTRACTA number of researchers have argued that phonological constraints may influence the emergence and form of combinatorial speech in children. Donahue (1986) presented evidence that one child's consonant harmony constraint operated across word boundaries. This paper presents further evidence for the operation of word-level phonological constraints in multi-word utterances. Selection and avoidance patterns as well as her modifications of adult forms indicate the presence of a syllable sequencing constraint in this child's grammar: an initial syllable must begin with a consonant whose sonority value is not less than that of the following syllable. The same constraint governs the form of her early word combinations. The existence of evidence for the operation of word-level constraints in word combinations, it is pointed out, has consequences for how we interpret two-lexicon models of phonological development.


Cortex ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan E. Kohn ◽  
Janis Melvold ◽  
Katherine L. Smith

Author(s):  
László Fejes

AbstractAlthough Erzya harmony is discussed as a kind of vowel harmony traditionally, suffix alternations show that there is a close interaction between consonants and vowels, therefore we should speak about a consonant-vowel harmony. This paper demonstrates that the palatalizedness of the consonants and the frontness of the vowels are also strongly connected inside stems: first syllable front vowels are quite rare after word-initial non-palatalized dentals but are dominant after palatalized ones; first syllable back vowels are dominantly followed by non-palatalized dentals, while the latter are very rare after front vowels.


2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Tzakosta

AbstractConsonant harmony (CH) is a phenomenon commonly found in child language. Cross-linguistically, Place of Articulation (PoA), specifically the Coronal Node, undergoes CH, while regressive harmony seems to be the preferred directionality that CH takes (cf. Goad 2001a, b; Levelt 1994; Rose 2000, 2001). In the present study, drawing on naturalistic data from nine children acquiring Greek L1, we place emphasis on the fact that multiple factors need to be considered in parallel, in order to account for CH patterns: Not only PoA, but also Manner of Articulation (MoA) contributes to CH; consequently, (de)voicing or continuity harmony emerges. Although regressive harmony is generally favoured, markedness scales and word stress highly affect directionality. Coronal, stop and voiceless segments trigger and undergo CH depending on their degree of prominence and their position in the word. Harmony can be partial or full, i.e. either place or manner or both place and manner of articulation are targeted. Progressive harmony emerges when the triggers belong to the stressed syllable or when they are stops. Cases of double, bidirectional and recursive harmony are also reported. In general, Greek CH patterns are the product of combined factors determined by phonological principles and input frequency in the ambient language. In other words, the degree to which Greek CH patterns are different from cross-linguistic findings depends on the combination of UG principles and language specific/environmental effects, as well as the prominence of certain of these factors over others.


Author(s):  
Anthony Brohan

Kinyarwanda is a Bantu language spoken in Rwanda which exhibits puzzling alternation of the past-participal morpheme, which in certain contexts triggers sibilant harmony. Sibilant harmony is part of the broader class of consonant harmony, which has presented challenges to phonological theories. This presentation will present a sketch of Kinyarwanda phonology along with an analysis of sibilant harmony exhibited in Kinyarwanda under an autosegmental framework using mutation morphology. Finally, dialectical variation in sibilant harmony will be considered, comparing the Conogolese dialect with the Kigali dialect.


Phonology ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunnar Ólafur Hansson

Consonant harmony involves long-distance featural assimilation, or agreement, of consonants across intervening segments. Current correspondence-based analyses of such sound patterns assume that they originate in the cognitive exigencies of articulatory planning, either synchronically, through the functional grounding of the constraints responsible, or diachronically, whereby processing factors incrementally shape the lexicon over time. This paper challenges the validity of this assumption as an all-purpose functional explanation for the full range of long-distance consonant agreement patterns by demonstrating that a variety of diachronic trajectories underlies their emergence and evolution. Focusing on the comparatively rare phenomenon ofsecondary articulation agreement, the evolutionary histories of three cases are examined: (labio)velarisation agreement in Pohnpeian (Oceanic), palatalisation agreement in Karaim (Turkic) and pharyngealisation agreement in Tsilhqot'in (Athabaskan). These histories provide explanations for a range of synchronic properties of the systems in question, some of which are problematic for restrictive typologies of consonant harmony.


1995 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-30
Author(s):  
Larry M. Hyman

In a number of Bantu languages the [d-l] reflex of Proto-Bantu *-Vd- suffixes alternates with [n] when the consonant of the preceding syllable is nasal, e.g., /dim-id-/ 'cultivate for' ~ [dim-in-]. Because these Bantu languages do not allow nasalized vowels, it is necessary to view such assimilation as operating "at a distance" [Poser 1983], with the intervening vowel(s) being transparent. Transvocalic nasal consonant harmony (NCR) is widespread within Bantu [Greenberg 1951], and was repeatedly cited by phonologists in the 1970's, e.g., from Luba [Howard 1972, Johnson 1972] and Lamba [Kenstowicz and Kisseberth 1979]. In this paper I treat a more extensive and dramatic case of NCR at a distance in Yaka, a language spoken in Zaire. In this language /-Vd-/ suffixes are realized [-Vn-] even when the triggering nasal consonant is not in the immediately preceding syllable, e.g., /-miituk-id-/ 'sulk for' ~ [miituk-in-] (cf. Ao [1991], Piggott [1993] and Odden [1994], who cite parallel facts from Kongo). I begin by documenting the pervasiveness of the (stem-level) nasal harmony effects in the language, which therefore require a phonological analysis (vs. one involving allomorphy). Discussion centers around the problem of why voiceless and prenasalized consonants should be transparent to NCR.


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