The Mobility of Sulfur Bonds in Soft Rubber and Ebonite

1956 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. A. Blokh ◽  
L. F. Chuprina

Abstract Much attention has been devoted to the problem of the sulfur and oxygen bonds in vulcanized rubber in numerous studies of both Soviet and foreign scholars. In the Soviet Union, the works of a large group of investigators, including B. A. Dogadkin, A. D. Zai˘onchovskii˘, P. A. Rebinder, A. P. Pisarenko, A. S. Kuzminskii˘, and others, have dealt with this problem. The nature of the sulfur structures formed in soft vulcanized rubbers depends on a number of factors, including the nature of the accelerators. It was shown in one work that sulfur vulcanization in the absence of sulfur-bearing accelerators leads to the formation of relatively weak polysulfide bonds. We assume that here a group of different polysulfide bonds is formed at the expense of the passage of octatomic ring sulfur structures into open linear sulfur radicals. For vulcanized rubbers which contain sulfur and diphenylguanidine in their recipe, the group of polysulfide bonds evidently constitutes an excellent criterion of their characteristic vulcanization structures. A number of rubber products, including cable and insulation rubbers, which do not contain sulfur as a vulcanizing agent are also known. In this case vulcanization takes place at the expense of the decomposition of tetramethylthiuram disulfide (thiuram vulcanization). Here stronger intermolecular monosulfide sulfur bonds are formed at the expense of the atomic sulfur, which is liberated during the decomposition of thiuram:

1986 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Baylis

The GDR's fundamental economic strategy since 1971, as reflected in but also modified by its response to the “price shocks” of the 1970s and the ensuing credit squeeze of the early 1980s, has been shaped in important measure by the pressures imposed and the opportunities offered by its complex relationship with the German Federal Republic. The direct and indirect constraints resulting from the GDR's status as junior partner in its alliance with the Soviet Union, the terms of the still tenuous accommodation the regime has worked out with its own citizens, and changes and conflicts within the political elite have also influenced the GDR's choices. The shortterm and long-term measures taken in response to the shocks appear to have been surprisingly successful, even though there is evidence that two of the latter–the return to a policy of economic reform “in small steps” and the utilization of the GDR's “West German connection” to restore its creditworthiness and strengthen its access to Western technology–proceeded only in the face of internal and external controversy. The GDR's apparent success in comparison to its East European neighbors must be attributed to a number of factors, only one of which is its special relationship with the Federal Republic.


Author(s):  
Viktor Lushchak

The perception of the Soviet Union in American public opinion wasn’t permanent and changed depending on a number of factors – ideological and allied, Soviet propaganda, the Red Army movement, breaking international agreements. Relations between the US and the USSR which was built within the anti-Hitler coalition was perceived by American society and liberal politicians as a model for cooperation in peacetime. Among the higher-level politicians who had a stable vision of the USSR as an ally and a partner, there was the vice-president of the United States H. Wallace. In the article, the author has attempted to identify the main causes of the distorted Wallace’s perception of the Soviet Union on the basis of which he made plans for the post-war US-Soviet cooperation. The reasons that influenced the aberration of the perception by H.Wallace of the Soviet Union include the informational isolation of the USSR, the effectiveness of Soviet propaganda, and an idealistic worldview. The deep differences in the value system of the Soviet dictatorship and Western democracy were falsely perceived by H.Wallace as insignificant differences. It is worth noting that a similar image of the USSR dominated during the period of Wallace’s vice-presidency in the minds of a significant part of Americans. After the presidential election of 1944, H.Wallace was removed by political methods from the possibility of influencing US foreign policy. He remained committed to the positive image of the USSR after the death of Roosevelt in conditions of growing US-Soviet tension. The author concluded that this was one of the main reasons for the collapse of his political career and the formation of a generally negative image of H.Wallace in American political history.


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-23
Author(s):  
Jerome Slater

With rare exceptions, since 1948 and the onset of the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts, the United States has provided near unconditional support of Israel. The downside of that support is that it has enabled Israel to spurn repeated opportunities for peace settlements of those conflicts, for even when US governments have disagreed with hard-line Israeli policies, they have only rarely been willing to press for changes. A number of factors that explain these US policies are examined: the belief that support of Israel is morally required; shared religious and political values; public opinion; strong congressional and presidential support of Israel; the strategic and national interests of the United States, particularly concerning Middle East oil and the containment of the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the “war on terrorism” afterward; and the power of the Israel lobby. Particular attention is paid to the dispute over how much power the lobby has over US Mideast policies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Вероника Корженевская ◽  
Veronika Korzhenevskaya

Abstract. The subject of research of this article are the historical processes that took place during the period of the formation of the Soviet power in Ukraine. The beginning of constitutional legal processes in Ukraine was closely connected with a number of factors that established “barriers” to independence, including civil war, intervention, and the declaration of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The author analyzes the legislation in force at that time, both of the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian People’s Republic. This article discusses the main historical documents, including regulatory legal acts, reflecting the processes of the formation of Soviet power in Ukraine. Methodological basis of the study: a complex of general and particular scientific methods of cognition. In the process of research, such methods as analysis and diachronic comparative method were used. The analysis made it possible to establish that the legalization of the Soviet power in Ukraine began with the adoption of the Constitution of the Ukrainian SSR in 1919 and continued until the end of the civil war and intervention.


Author(s):  
Serhiy Rybyanets ◽  
Oksana Sobol

The article is devoted to the analysis of the features of criminal law policy in the field of combating crimes involving weapons, ammunition, explosives and explosive devices, at the current stage of aggravation of the criminal situation and the Joint Forces Operation in eastern Ukraine. The lack of clear legal regulation of firearms possession in Ukraine leads to the fact that the line between legal and illegal possession is sometimes blurred. Many weapons in Ukraine, which were previously considered legal, have now been classified as "illegal" for a number of reasons. The analysis of the bills proposed for the regulation of the order of arms circulation in Ukraine is carried out. It is stated that in judicial practice in the application of Art. 262, 263, 263-1, 264 of the Criminal Code, as well as other crimes committed with the use of weapons, there are significant errors due to am-biguity in the interpretation of crime, doctrinal interpretation of these rules and their legislative imperfec-tions, gaps in criminal law policy and lack of uniform application practice. The above circumstances de-termine the relevance of the study of the legal regime of arms trafficking in Ukraine and criminal policy in the field of combating crimes involving weapons, ammunition, explosives and explosive devices. It is emphasized that a significant amount of weapons is in illegal circulation in Ukraine. This sit-uation is complicated by a number of factors, including the significant amount of weapons left in the country after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the war in eastern Ukraine in 2014 (and, consequently, the looting of state reserves), and the influx of weapons across uncontrolled border areas. The main problems are related to the shortcomings of the legal system governing the possession and use of small arms, as well as the lack of a central register of firearms, which makes it extremely difficult to fight illicit arms trafficking.


Think India ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
Dr.Ramesh Kumar

Most nations and large ones at that do not simply alter their worldwide orientation. States tend to be conventional about foreign policy. Fundamental changes in foreign policy take place only when there is a radical change either at home or in the world. Much as the ascent of Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s shaped key changes in Chinese foreign policy, India’s associations with the world have seen a fundamental alteration over the last decade and a half. A number of factors were at work in India. The old political and economic order at home had distorted and outwardly the end of the Cold War detached all the old benchmarks that guided India’s foreign policy. Many of the center viewpoints of the older system had to throw away and consensus generated on fresh ones. The fall down of the Soviet Union and the new wave of financial globalization left India scrambling to find new anchors for its conduct of outer relations.  


1969 ◽  
Vol 14 (9) ◽  
pp. 516-516
Author(s):  
Morton Deutsch

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document