scholarly journals The Ebb and Flow of Government Regulation: An Exploratory Study on the Regulation of Business Groups in Korea

2005 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-98
Author(s):  
Sung Roe Lee

When and why does government seek to introduce and strengthen the regulation of big business corporations, and when does government withdraw the regulation? In answering these questions, this study examines the ebb and flow of regulatory policy, which may be called a "regulatory tide." This study focuses on the effect of crucial political and economic changes such as presidential elections and economic recession. We propose that political changes tend to enforce the government and the ruling party to strengthen regulatory policy on business corporations. Economic forces tend to press the goevernment and ruling party to weaken regulatory policy and, in turn, regulatory policy tends to alternate strengthening and weakening periods. These propositions are examined using Korean regulatory policies on business conglomerations during 1980-2002.

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (5) ◽  
pp. 513-524
Author(s):  
Junlong Chen ◽  
Yajie Wang ◽  
Jiali Liu

This paper sets up an industry competition model consisting of two upstream enterprises and two downstream enterprises. Then we rely on the model to explore how non-regulation and different regulatory policies (maximizing the total profits of the upstream enterprises, the social welfare of the upstream industry or the overall social welfare) affect the following factors: the excess capacity, enterprise profits, consumer surpluses, social welfare in the upstream and downstream enterprises and the overall social welfare. The following conclusions are drawn from our research. First, whether and how the government regulates the capacity choice greatly affect the equilibrium outcomes, as well as the welfare distribution among the upstream enterprises, downstream enterprises, and consumers. The specific effects are dependent on market demand and enterprise cost. Second, the government should formulate its regulatory policies on capacity choice based on the overall social welfare of the entire supply chain. If the government aims to maximize the profits of the upstream enterprises, the social welfare of the downstream industry will be negatively affected. Third, excess capacity does not necessarily suppress social welfare. Under certain conditions, the worst scenario of excess capacity may occur under the pursuit of the maximal overall social welfare. Excess capacity may arise from various causes, rather than market competition or government regulation alone. Excess capacity cannot be attributed solely to government failure. These conclusions have some significance for optimizing capacity regulation policies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 187-194
Author(s):  
Atika Shafinaz Nazri ◽  
Kartini Aboo Talib @ Khalid ◽  
Zaliha Harun ◽  
Ahmad Nidzammuddin Sulaiman

COVID-19 pandemic is now a global crisis, with the number of known cases climbing daily and millions of people stranded at home. As countries toil to preserve the lives of their people, economies are grinding to a halt. At that dismal time, Malaysia is going through a vast political crisis with a new leader, and several states have new governments. In this vein, the present study aims at shedding how Malaysian responses to the COVID-19 pandemic? This study adopted a qualitative approach by using the secondary data collected from the journal, the official website of the government sector, NGOs, authorized bodies, and newspapers. Our finding shows although Malaysia had COVID-19 during the political crisis, a new ruling party is competent to manage the issue accordingly with the Ministry of Health and the National Security Council plays a vital role in the management of the pandemic. The government has taken various kinds of measures to ensure the pandemic to be reduced, and economic recession could be minimizing that benefit Malaysian and non-citizenship notably to vulnerable with the amalgamate by numerous NGOs.


Subject Political dynamics ahead of 2020 elections. Significance The government has launched talks with CNARED, a forum of opposition parties, to negotiate the return of its exiled leaders ahead of the 2020 presidential elections. President Pierre Nkurunziza, who has said he will not run for a fourth term, appears to be cautiously reaching out to the opposition in an effort to ease his regime’s diplomatic isolation and deepening economic crisis. Impacts The 2020 elections will likely see continued heavy human rights violations and restrictions on the political space. CNARED’s mooted return might increase tensions, rights violations and repression, especially once they try to campaign outside Bujumbura. Burundi’s crisis weighs heavily on regional security, especially in Congo’s South Kivu Province; the elections might exacerbate this.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Mustika Prabaningrum Kusumawati ◽  
Ari Nur Rahman ◽  
Panzi Aulia Rahman

Banking is one of the drivers and centers of a country's economy. Based on the authority they have, it is not surprising that the risk held by banks is very high. Therefore, banking is one of the business sectors that have very strict supervision. This paper discusses how the implementation of regulatory policy authorities applicable in Indonesia related to the establishment of internal banking Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) in minimizing the potential for credit fraud and how internal and external supervisory authorities can become benchmarks in supporting the creation of anti-fraud policies, especially in credit fraud. There are two main factors that can create a potential credit fraud chain that leads to financial statement fraud: first, delays in updating regulatory policies; and second, ineffective and insensitive internal and external banking supervision. In addition, there needs to be a certain regulatory policy that deals with credit fraud, whether issued by the government, Bank Indonesia, OJK or internal Banking SOP itself.


Subject Possible successors to President Rafael Correa. Significance The surprising news that President Rafael Correa will not stand in the 2017 presidential elections has triggered a debate over who the ruling party, Alianza Pais, will select as its candidate. The task confronting the party is to choose a candidate who has the potential to secure low and middle-income votes on the one hand and appeal to national and international investors on the other. Striking this balance will be particularly important as the collapse of world oil prices and slowdown of economic growth has damaged the government and fuelled social and political tensions. Impacts Whoever Alianza Pais selects is likely to be the strong favourite, despite the government's difficulties in recent months. The key election battle is likely to be over control of the legislature rather than the presidency. The primary challenge for the opposition to the right will be to find a candidate capable of uniting various leaders and factions.


Subject Buhari re-election bid Significance Ending several months of speculation, President Muhammadu Buhari announced last week that he intends to contest for a second term in the presidential elections scheduled for early 2019. The 75-year-old leader’s announcement came amid growing internal divisions within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party, between those in support of the party chairperson, John Odigie Oyegun, and those backing the APC’s ‘National Leader’, Bola Tinubu. Separately, the government and the Senate (upper house) are in dispute over a proposed change to the electoral timetable that would see the presidential contest take place last, potentially undermining Buhari's ability to influence gubernatorial and senatorial elections. Impacts The electoral timetable dispute is likely to lead to subsequent legal challenges. The main opposition People’s Democratic Party (PDP) will try to expose APC divides and negotiate with component parts of its coalition. Public concern will grow over the independence of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) ahead of next year's polls.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: Les réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai 2019 au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter pour un quatrième et un cinquième mandat parce que la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. En février 2020, le président a remporté à nouveau les élections présidentielles disputées et a ainsi consolidé son pouvoir, assisté par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en mars et la récession économique qui a suivi a peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits de l'homme s'est amélioré, mais reste médiocre. Pourtant, la communauté internationale a suivi une approche de «laissez-faire» dans l'intérêt de la stabilité régionale. L'économie est entrée en récession en raison des effets négatifs économiques mondiaux de la crise corona. L'indice de démocratie de l'Economic Intelligence Unit, à Londres, classait toujours le Togo comme un «régime autoritaire». -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Umstrittene verfassungsrechtliche und institutionelle Reformen, die im Mai 2019 im Parlament verabschiedet wurden, eröffneten Präsident Gnassingbé den Weg für eine vierte und fünfte Amtszeit, da das Gesetz nicht rückwirkend gilt. Im Februar 2020 gewann der Präsident erneut die umstrittenen Präsidentschaftswahlen und festigte damit seine Macht, unterstützt von der loyalen Armee und den Sicherheitsdiensten. Der Ausbruch der Corona-Epidemie in Togo im März und die anschließende wirtschaftliche Rezession trugen dazu bei, den Protest der Bevölkerung gegen das Gnassingbé-Regime zu begrenzen. Die Menschenrechtsbilanz der Regierung hat sich verbessert, bleibt aber defizitär. Die internationale Gemeinschaft verfolgte trotzdem im Interesse der regionalen Stabilität einen Laissez-Faire-Ansatz. Die Wirtschaft geriet aufgrund der weltweiten wirtschaftlichen negativen Auswirkungen der Coronakrise in eine Rezession. Der Demokratieindex der Economic Intelligence Unit in London bewertete Togo weiterhin als "autoritäres Regime".


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: Les réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai 2019 au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter pour un quatrième et un cinquième mandat parce que la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. En février 2020, le président a remporté à nouveau les élections présidentielles disputées et a ainsi consolidé son pouvoir, assisté par l'armée fidèle et les services de sécurité. Le déclenchement de l'épidémie de Corona au Togo en mars et la récession économique qui a suivi a peut-être contribué à limiter les protestations populaires contre le régime de Gnassingbé. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits de l'homme s'est amélioré, mais reste médiocre. Pourtant, la communauté internationale a suivi une approche de «laissez-faire» dans l'intérêt de la stabilité régionale. L'économie est entrée en récession en raison des effets négatifs économiques mondiaux de la crise corona. L'indice de démocratie de l'Economic Intelligence Unit, à Londres, classait toujours le Togo comme un «régime autoritaire». -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Umstrittene verfassungsrechtliche und institutionelle Reformen, die im Mai 2019 im Parlament verabschiedet wurden, eröffneten Präsident Gnassingbé den Weg für eine vierte und fünfte Amtszeit, da das Gesetz nicht rückwirkend gilt. Im Februar 2020 gewann der Präsident erneut die umstrittenen Präsidentschaftswahlen und festigte damit seine Macht, unterstützt von der loyalen Armee und den Sicherheitsdiensten. Der Ausbruch der Corona-Epidemie in Togo im März und die anschließende wirtschaftliche Rezession trugen dazu bei, den Protest der Bevölkerung gegen das Gnassingbé-Regime zu begrenzen. Die Menschenrechtsbilanz der Regierung hat sich verbessert, bleibt aber defizitär. Die internationale Gemeinschaft verfolgte trotzdem im Interesse der regionalen Stabilität einen Laissez-Faire-Ansatz. Die Wirtschaft geriet aufgrund der weltweiten wirtschaftlichen negativen Auswirkungen der Coronakrise in eine Rezession. Der Demokratieindex der Economic Intelligence Unit in London bewertete Togo weiterhin als "autoritäres Regime".


Liquidity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-166
Author(s):  
Muchtar Riva’i

The law arrangement of franchise law was first explicitly regulated by the Government Regulation No. 16 of 1997 which is then updated by Government Regulation No. 42 of 2007 to be created in an agreement that at least contains clauses as stipulated by Article 5 of the Government Regulation. However, franchise arrangements also associated with a variety of other laws and regulations applicable in Indonesia. This article is going to state that the importance of partnerships with small and medium enterprises as an effort to encourage the involvement of the wider economic community.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-43
Author(s):  
Nindy Danisa Wulandari

Development of food security implemented to meet the human basic needs that provide benefits fairly and equitably based on self – reliance, and not contrary to public faith. Referring to the government regulation No 22 of 2009 concerning Food Consumption Diversification Acceleration (P2KP). However, it is not supported by the development of women farmers. The method use in this research is quantitative descriptive analysis using SWOT (Strength, Weakness, Opportunity and Treath). The samples in this study is the purposive sample. Result of a study showed the amount of income earned from the group of women farmers in the one month is 150,000/ members. Proper development strategies used in the development strategies used in the development KWT Melati is a Growth Oriented Strategy is very profitable strategy to seize opportunities with the strength. Pembangunan ketahan pangan dilaksanakan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan dasar manusia yang memberikan manfaat secara adil dan merata berdasarkan kemandirian, dan tidak bertentangan dengan keyakinan masyarakat. Mengacu pada Peraturan Pemerintah No 22 Tahun 2009 mengenai Percepatan Penganekaragaman Konsumsi Pangan (P2KP). Namun, hal ini tidak didukung dengan adanya pengembangan kelompok wanita tani. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif kuantitatif dengan menggunakan analisis SWOT (Strength, Weakness, Opportunity and Treath). Penentuan sampel dalam penelitian ini adalah dengan sampel purposive. Hasil penelitian menunjukan besaran pendapatan yang diperoleh dari adanya kelompok wanita tani dalam satu bulan adalah Rp.150.000/bulan/anggota. Strategi pengembangan yang tepat digunakan dalam pengembangan Kelompok Wanita Tani (KWT) Melati adalah Growth Oriented Strategy.


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