scholarly journals Public Choice Versus the Dual State: A Comparative Analysis of the Distribution of Functions between Central and Local Governments in Japan and Korea

2002 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-26
Author(s):  
Yong-Duck Jung

This paper analyzes and compares the distribution of the state functions between the central and local governments of Japan and Korea in the 1980s and the 1990s. The public choice and the dual state models are applied. The former explains the functional allocation between different tiers of government in terms of the self-interested behavior of related rational actors, while the latter explains it in terms of the structural solving of the different and contradictory roles of the modern capitalist states. The Japanese data prove the relevance of the public choice model: e.e., the expenditure for allocational policy was conducted mainly by local governments, while redistributive policy was conducted by the central government. The Korean data show the opposite case, which does not fit into the propositions of the public choice model. Instead, the Korean data proves the relevance of the dual state model: i.e., the expenditure for social consumption was conducted mainly by second-tier local government, while those for social expenses and social investment were conducted mainly by the central and first-tier local governments. The Japanese case did not support the dual state thesis: i.e., more than 60% of Japan's social consumption spending was conducted by the central government. The differences between Japan and Korea can be explained by the different paths of institutionalization of local autonomy in the two countries.

Author(s):  
Shuang Ling ◽  
Shan Gao ◽  
Wenhui Liu

Despite the expectation that social media use in the public sector contributes to enhancing government's transparency, few studies have been investigated whether social media use actually leads to more disclosure during environmental incidents in practice and how social media influence local governments and their officials' information disclosure. In this article, we model information disclosure during environmental incidents as an evolutionary game process between the central government and local government in social media context, and examine the internal mechanism that how social media influence the progress of information disclosure during environmental incidents. The findings indicate that social media plays an active constructive role in central-local government game relations. Specific- ally, social media can provides an efficient information channels for the central government supervise regional officials in environmental incidents, and thus improves its supervision efficiency, and it also provides an important means for internet mobilization and online-offline interaction by encouraging the public exchange information and express their views, and in turn forces local governments and their officials tend to disclosure ahead.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1 (ang)) ◽  
pp. 2-10
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zybała

This paper presents the complexity of the contemporary social economy system – its definitions, points of reference, role played in socio-economic development. Furthermore the paper presents a review of selected approaches to social economy, including definitional approaches, e.g. those specific to Anglo-Saxon and continental traditions. It discusses the context in which it emerged and developed as a phenomenon in the public policy and economic areas. It analyses the dynamics of social economy development in Poland, including institutional environment and selected mechanisms of public management. It stresses that top-down initiatives – including those of the central government and the EU institutions – are a key element in making the social economy dynamic in developing the forms of activity (in view of the weakness of endogenous factors). The central and local governments place social economy at the heart of their strategies in many public policies.


Author(s):  
Jaroslaw Kantorowicz

Federalism is a governance structure that enables the aggregation of mass areas under one government. Federalism is a more complex form of governance than a unitary system. Under a federal structure of government, the activities are constitutionally divided (or shared) between constituent governments and a central government, implying a permanent coexistence and bargaining between participating governments and the center or among participating governments themselves. This chapter delineates the current state of knowledge regarding federalism and its twin concept of decentralization from the public-choice perspective. First, the chapter looks at federalism as an explanatory variable by examining how it shapes various outcomes ranging from economic growth to incidence of terrorism. Second, it deals with endogenous federalism and thus factors that explain how it emerges, survives, and changes. In the last part, the chapter summarizes several potential avenues for future research on federalism.


2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-69
Author(s):  
Matthew Andrews

Abstract Budgeting theories have not been able to explain why reforms have a limited influence on the budgeting process [JOYCE, 1993]. The current paper proposes a market-based theory of budget reform, which combines the public choice model with new institutional dunking, in the spirit of authors like Kraan [1996]. The dieory unfolds into specific hypodieses about the way in which reform adoption is dependent on the authority of budgeting bureaucrats to adopt reforms, the level of reform acceptance among these bureaucrats and politicians, and the ability of bureaucrats to adopt the reforms. The first two factors, authority and acceptance, are argued to be more important than ability in influencing the level of budget reform adoption.


1985 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierre-Henri Derycke ◽  
Guy Gilbert

ABSTRACTAfter a sharp increase, the public debt of French local communities has been stabilized in real terms: its amount reached 54 per cent of total public debt in 1980. In the French institutional framework, local government borrowing policy is under the tight control of central agencies. An econometric model of the borrowing behaviour of local governments since 1965 is presented; it emphasizes the role of internal determinants of local debt (needs for investment, self-financing ability of governments), external constraints (e.g. interest rates and the financial resources of lenders, such as households savings), and finally the impact of macroeconomic policy measures from the central government.


Kinesik ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-274
Author(s):  
Edwan ◽  
Nurhaidar

The spread of the Corona Virus (covid 19) in Indonesia is increasing. Throughout 2020 the number of confirmed positive increases every day to reach hundreds of thousands of people. In Central Sulawesi, the number of confirmed positive fluctuates so that it becomes a serious concern for local governments. In a crisis situation, the provincial government has also taken a number of steps in terms of handling covid 19, especially in minimizing public concerns and anxiety in dealing with the Covid 19 pandemic. Crisis communication facing the Covid-1 pandemic in 2020. At the beginning of the emergence of Covid 19. The results of this study indicate that the Public Relations of Central Sulawesi Province has done a number of things, especially in the pre-crisis, during the crisis and a number of planning steps in the post-crisis. Several steps were taken in accordance with the technical guidelines of the central government and adapted to regional conditions and situations because they do not yet have a standard crisis planning model


2020 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-734
Author(s):  
Jonathan Benney

Political posters, banners, and similar objects are extremely common in China. This article uses political design from contemporary China, particularly emphasizing the government's Chinese Dream campaign, to analyze what at first appears to be a paradox. The subjects of the various campaigns and the language they use are mandated by the central government and promoted through central and local publicity departments. However, the graphic aspects of these campaigns, such as the choice of colours, images, layout, and typeface, are much less strictly controlled, and are decided by local governments or authorities. This makes political design in China decentralized. Decentralized design is inconsistent with the principles of global marketing and with the PRC's reliance on set forms of political discourse, both of which rely on the assumption that uniformity will lead to more effective communication of messages and persuasion of the public. Evidence from local design campaigns indeed shows that Chinese political posters are often designed hastily and without expertise, resulting in strange and unpersuasive images. Despite this, the article shows that decentralized design is not paradoxical. This is largely because the Chinese party-state uses propaganda as a method of "signalling" its overall power, more than as a tool of indoctrination or persuasion about particular topics. The central government's reliance on incentives and metrics to regulate local authorities means that the production of propaganda is also a way in which local governments can signal their loyalty to the Centre.


1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
David E. Marion

Even a cursory review of contemporary scholarship on the presidency and the federal administration reveals a resurgence of interest in the political thought of Alexander Hamilton and Woodrow Wilson. Developments in the last decade involving the apparent enlargement of the authority and prerogatives of the national executive together with the popularization of the idea of an emerging American bureaucratic state have contributed to this renewal of interest in the work of both theorists. What is especially striking is that to a considerable extent the contemporary interest in the thought of Hamilton, and to a lesser but still significant degree in the political teaching of Woodrow Wilson, is rooted in the crystallization of opinion that is critical of the alleged predominance of the executive establishment and the appearance of an “imperial” presidency on the one hand, and the systematic interference of federal administration in the affairs of the people on the other. Thus, for example, a major theme in both the popular and academic press during the period of American history bracketed by the Vietnam War and the Watergate crisis centered on the illiberalism of a powerful executive. More recently, proponents of participationist democracy, particularly the devotees of the public interest advocacy movement and the self-styled Tocquevillians of the public choice school, have urged reforms to check the concentration of power in the central government in general, and the national executive in particular. More importantly for the purposes of this essay, alongside this indictment of the national government has emerged an increasing tendency to cast Hamilton, witness the work of James McGregor Burns, and Wilson, a frequent target of criticism in the writings of that wing of the public choice school which includes Vincent Ostrom, as the theoreticians of a centralized executive-administrative order.


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