scholarly journals A Study on the Counterplans against Official Corruption

1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (0) ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Jeongjoo Lee

As the concept of a 'government by the People' has been departed from, the reformation of every field in society has been severely pushed with financial aid from the IMF. The abolishment and amalgamation of our systems and the reduction of personnel have been inevitably carried out to exclude inefficiency and ineffectuality in official fields. The government has recognized the fact that the future of the country, including administrative authority and economic resurrection, cannot be guaranteed without hollowing out official corruption and absurdity which have been found to be centered around each assessing organ. And intensive assessment has been deployed in 16 fields, such as human affairs, construction, official sanction of real estate, and public affairs. In consequence, 5,800 corruptive officials were disclosed in October 1998 and 222 of them were dismissed or forced to resign, 30 of them were suspended and 157 of them were reprimanded or docked.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Suparnyo Suparnyo

The election of regional leaders conducted directly by the community is believed to result in a democratic government. The formed government is expected to be more open, more responsive, and to carry out the aspirations of the people so that it can realize a government that comes from the people, by the people, and for the people. A person can nominate him/herself as a candidate for Regent or Deputy Regent if supported by some residents, by Political Parties or Combined Political Parties. The relatively weak support of the population or political parties or combined political parties has resulted in very few candidates for regent or deputy regent, even only one pair of candidates can occur as in Pati Regency. The study aims to know how the policy in the future (Prospective Model) should be taken so that the single-candidate for Regent or Deputy Regent in a general election does not happen. By using a sociological juridical approach, collecting primary and secondary data, processing and analyzing data, the objective of the study can be reached.The policy that needs to be taken by the government so that in the future there will be no single candidate is by giving obligations to political parties to conduct cadre recruitment to become candidates for regional leaders. Besides, the General Election Commission needs to make a scheme that is easier and more flexible for individual candidates regarding administrative requirements, procedures, and mechanisms for gathering support, and there needs to be a new policy so that the potential for a single-candidate can be eliminated or not occur.


Author(s):  
Grace Li

Pervasive computing and communications is emerging rapidly as an exciting new paradigm and discipline to provide computing and communication services all the time and everywhere. Its systems are now invading every aspect of life to the point that they are disappearing inside all sorts of appliances or can be worn unobtrusively as part of clothing and jewelry. This emergence is a natural outcome of research and technological advances in wireless networks, embedded systems, mobile computing, distributed computing, and agent technologies. At the same time, this emergence brings challenging issues to the legal framework surrounding it. As well recognized, law is a discipline that has direct relevance to human behaviour and its adjoining environment. Thus, a study of law can be a study of the living environment and the people who are in it. This surely brings difficulties for us to study the law in a future scenario such as pervasive computing environment. Attempting to forecast the future of law, technology, and human behavior is a very risky proposition. Hence, it is impossible to fully discuss topics such as “legal aspects of pervasive computing”. This chapter aims to provide a general observation of various legal issues connecting with pervasive computing technologies. To avoid a skeleton introduction piece, the main part of this chapter concentrates on three particular issues: Jurisdiction and the choice of law issue, electronic fraud issue, and the privacy issue. These three are unsettled issues in the current computing environment and believed to become more complicated and controversial in the near future with a wider adoption of ubiquitous computing technology. In the end, this chapter suggests that, to serve the future computing environment better, the legal and regulatory framework should focus on the improvement of internal monitoring of risks and vulnerabilities greater information sharing about these risks and vulnerabilities. Moreover, the role of government should focus on education and training on the care and use of these technologies and better reporting of risks and responses. A fully embedded computing environment that is safe and sound to live in will need more collaboration between individuals, commercial organizations, and the government.


1953 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas F. McGann

Before the argentine revolution of 1810, land was the principal source of wealth and the sanction of social position in the otherwise resourceless Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. The revolution of May did not significantly alter the fundamental social, political and economic relationships between the masses of the people, the landowners and the soil. And although the administration of Rivadavia in the 1820’s and the dictatorship of Rosas in the next two decades were poles apart in their philosophies of society and government, each bore the same fruit in the further concentration of land in the hands of a relatively few men. After the fall of Rosas and the return of the exiled unitarios in 1852, the position of the landed gentry was not changed, despite the work of men like Urquiza, Mitre and Sarmiento, who applied themselves to the task of awaking Argentina from its long sleep of reaction. These victorious leaders were liberal and pragmatic, but there was no Argentine Homestead Act during their administrations. They accepted the land system as it was and tried to build upon it by spinning out the means of communication and transportation and technical development that would make it workable and by bringing in immigrants to make it fruitful. Aside from the establishment of a few colonies, the methods of land distribution and the laws of landownership remained essentially unchanged. Indeed, the governments that came after the Rosas regime, needful of revenue and concerned with the white elephant that was the government domain, embarked on much the same types of real estate deals as had the tyrant. In one case, in 1857, the government leased 3,000,000 hectares of land to 373 people; in 1867 Mitre’s government sold this land on easy terms to its renters.


Author(s):  
Rahmat Salam

Pancasila is the basis of our country and the nation's view of life, which is extracted from the noble values of the nation's culture. However, along with the development of time, the practice and implementation of the Pancasila practice are always adjusted to the regime's will in power. In the Old Order era, Pancasila was used as an ideological tool; during the New Order, Pancasila was carried out purely and consistently but followed the regime's will in power at that time. In the Reformation Age, the implementation of Pancasila, which was expected to be following the original, even began to be abandoned because the people were more faced with a free lifestyle with liberal understanding. This article will try to highlight the position of Pancasila during the New Order regime when President Suharto was in power and compare it with the work of Pancasila Post-reformation starting from the fall of the New Order until now and looking at the challenges that will be faced in the future.


Author(s):  
Vaishali Aggarwal ◽  

The notion of ‘smart cities’ is increasingly visible in discourses on the future of cities but Change is coming to transportation, whether we are ready for it or not. But how sustainable and digital innovation can unlock better people health and well-being, enhance safety and security and provide seamless mobility experiences. It can be argued that smartening the mobility infrastructure enables the citizens to make informed decisions, and this is indeed true- if done well, but it has a big “if.” This research engages with the key drivers of change and provides affirmative aspirations for mobility in the not-so-distant future in order to facilitate conversations about change. However, the development of possibilities (scenarios) for the government policies and business innovation is dependent on the advanced technology and socio-economic values, which are embedded in the context and culture. The research paper aims to visualize through foresight by design, plausible alternatives of sustainable future for passenger transport in Delhi to stimulate sustainable innovation developments for transportation and analyse the present innovative influences for smart mobility in Delhi to accelerate the adoption. The first part of the paper analyses how do urban planners use the discourse of smart cities and how it has defined in India then later suggest future scenario for the future which will empower users, changing mobility models and transforming eco-system where intelligent connectivity would unite varied rage of emerging technologies to enable smarter, healthier and more resilient and economically vibrant urban life. This research considers smart mobility by outlining current challenges, suggesting technological, infrastructural and policy solutions and distilling explorations of the future into a series of ‘user journeys.’ It seeks to answer if ‘branding of technology’ can be used as a tool to create a new identity for mobility of Delhi or ‘upgrade’ the existing situation. How can the context of Delhi be decoded to describe the perceptions of the people?


1945 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-463
Author(s):  
Albert B. Saye

Fully as interesting as the provisions of the proposed new constitution that will be submitted to the voters of Georgia at a special election on August 7, 1945, is the method by which the document was framed. The constitution of the state now in force, adopted in 1877 soon after the state was freed from carpet-bag rule, is a long and complicated document, filled with detailed limitations on the government, particularly in the field of finance. As a result of the inclusion of numerous provisions statutory in nature, the document has been amended three hundred and one times in a period of sixty-eight years. Recognizing the need for a new constitution, the Institute of Public Affairs of the University of Georgia drew up A Proposed Constitution for Georgia in 1931. This document proposed a thorough revision of the structure of the government, including such radical changes as the substitution of 30 districts for the existing 161 counties as the basis of representation in the General Assembly. The widespread publicity given the document served to stimulate interest in constitutional revision, and most of the press of the state, notably the Atlanta Journal, has in recent years actively supported the movement.In March, 1943, the General Assembly passed a resolution, sponsored by Governor Ellis Arnall, providing for a commission of twenty-three members to revise the constitution. The commission was to be composed of the governor, the president of the senate, the speaker of the house of representatives, three members of the senate appointed by the president, five members of the house appointed by the speaker, a justice of the supreme court designated by the court, a judge of the court of appeals designated by the court, the attorney general, the state auditor, two judges of the superior courts, three practicing attorneys-at-law, and three laymen to be appointed by the governor. The resolution provided that the report of this commission should be submitted to the General Assembly either in the form of proposed amendments to the constitution or as a proposed new constitution, to be acted upon by the General Assembly and submitted to the people for ratification or rejection.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Vandanet Hing

Studies conducted on the constitutional law-making process have shown that public participation is a key element of the relationship between the government and its citizens, and legitimizes the whole process. The present paper discusses the relationship between the people and the government on the basis of the Cambodian Constitution, both de jure andde facto. As assessments, it takes the 1993 constitutional making process and the public’s participation thereto. This paper aspires to answer the following questions: firstly, how does the constitutional law-making process impact the exercise of constitutional rights in Cambodia, and, secondly, to what extent does public participation play a role in public affairs, especially insofar as the constitution and law making processes are concerned. It further suggests that the concept of meaningful public consultation on constitution and law making should be incorporated in the Cambodian Constitution.


1929 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-31
Author(s):  
Manley O. Hudson

Whatever may be the present attitude of the people of the United States toward the League of Nations, it now seems clear that the Government of the United States has come to feel the necessity for such an international organization. For several years past, official American coöperation with the League has steadily increased. The situation has now developed to a point where the current formulae for explaining the official attitude are to some extent misleading, and it may serve a useful purpose to trace the changes which have occurred since 1920, to survey the situation as it now exists, and to forecast some of the probabilities for the future.Let us start with the fact that the United States has not ratified the Covenant of the League of Nations and has not accepted the place provided for her in the Assembly and the Council of the League. It is beside the present purpose to explain that fact, to attempt to say whether it is due to drift or to design, or to offer any argument for changing it. Whatever the seven millions of voters who constituted President Harding's majority in 1920 may have desired at that time, the Government of the United States has since interpreted their votes as a determination that the United States should not accept membership in the League, and it has proceeded on the theory that that issue is closed. But if this fact is to be taken as the starting-point, there still remains a question as to the account to be taken by the Government of the United States of other important facts, viz., that the League of Nations continues to exist, that more than fifty governments are vigorously pushing its work and effecting through it their coöperative action, and that much of the organized international life of our time is centered at Geneva.


Author(s):  
Nguyen Dinh Tan

The Vietnam's Party and Government have issued many guidelines, policies, and laws on the migration of ethnic minorities. These guidelines and views of the Party as well as the Government's policies and laws are truly accurate and have been perfected over time. However, they still had a certain limitation in the period before 1990. Policies on destinations and household registration have affected the prevention of migration, including ethnic minority migration. Access to the "rights" of the people thus has not been recognized and properly addressed. On the basis of the research results of the project "Migration of ethnic minorities: Issues and solutions", the author discussed the approach on "rights" and some remarks about migration in general and migration of ethnic minorities in particular as well as proposed some policies on the migration of ethnic minorities in the future. It is hopeful that the author's recommendations and proposals will be researched and referenced by the Party, the Government and authorities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Raziqa Muhammad Shafiu ◽  
Mohd Afandi Salleh

<em>This study examines the relationship between Nigeria and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and also traces its impact on Human Rights and Standard of living. Therefore, it assesses the impact of IMF on Human Rights and the living standards of Nigerians, as it was assumed that Nigeria's relationship with the IMF was the key cause of poverty, social insecurity, economic inequalities and a decrease in people's living standards. Primary data sources, such as official records, newspapers, journals, and books, were used to gather data for research, while the Theory of Human Rights and Dependency Theory was used as the basis for this study. The study discovered that externally enforced economic liberalization does not enhance economic development and degrades government human rights practices. The study also assumed that Nigeria's relationship with the IMF was more detrimental than positive and thus had a direct negative impact on the general standard of living of the people. It was suggested that the government should attempt to diversify the economy, reshape its relationship with international financial institutions, such as the IMF and the World Bank, and provide people with adequate facilities to raise their living standards.</em>


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