scholarly journals Factors that influence immigration to OECD member States

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-430
Author(s):  
María José Carbajal ◽  
Jesús María De Miguel Calvo

This study aims to identify factors related to the Immigration rates experienced by OECD member states, it focused on “net immigration rates” as the main dependent variable.  We considered that “Demand- Pull” factors that trigger variations on the immigration rates are perceived economic stability and their socio-political stance toward immigrants. Even though the two of the proposed hypothesis in this study were rejected, other variables which seem to have a greater impact on migration, such a trade and globalization were identified.  As the indices globalization increase, the rates of immigration seem to increase, in contrast there is a negative correlation between the variable trade and immigration, findings that seemed to be supported by empirical evidence provided by other scholars presented in this report.

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Celeste Perrucchini ◽  
Hiroshi Ito

Empirical evidence suggests an overall convergence in terms of GDP and per capita income occurring among the European Union (EU) Member States. Nevertheless, economic inequalities have been increasing at the regional level within European Union countries. Through the review of relevant literature, this study analyzes the increasing inequalities from an economical point of view, focusing on Italy and the UK as examples. First, a general overlook of the empirical evidence of the GDP and per capita income at national and sub-national levels will be presented. Second, an explanation of the possible causes of the results will be proposed through the use of economical and sociological theories. The findings of this research might uncover the relative inefficacy of EU Cohesion policies and point towards the necessity for deeper and more thoughtful measures to continue the convergence of Member States while preserving internal equilibria. This paper ends with discussions for the future directions of the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nkuchia M. M’ikanatha ◽  
David P. Welliver

Abstract Background The WHO’s success in its vital role is constrained by inadequate financial support from member states and overreliance on earmarked voluntary contributions, which erodes autonomy. The agency’s broad functions, including coordination among 194 members, cannot be performed by any other entity. However, despite experts’ well-articulated concerns that the agency’s legitimacy and authority in global health matters have been undermined, a decades-long freeze on member assessments means that WHO priorities are disproportionately influenced by a few powerful donors. A structural defect To overcome inertia in addressing well-known limitations, it may be helpful to consider the weaknesses in WHO’s financing mechanism as a persistent structural defect. This perspective strengthens the focus on corrections needed to remove the defect. In our view, the main features of the structural defect are the self-imposed constraints that foster the perception—if not the reality—that the agency’s legitimacy is compromised. These constraints include WHO’s inadequate level of financing; lack of direct control over 80% of its funds; and unbalanced participation, such that over 60% of financing originates from only 9 donors. With renewed commitment, however, member countries can remove these constraints. Removing the structural defect To meaningfully strengthen structural integrity of the financing mechanism, restore WHO’s autonomy, and minimize concerns about wealthy-donor supremacy, it will be necessary to define specific requirements and implement restrictions on financial contributions. We make five recommendations, including tripling total financing; ensuring that 70% or more of financial support derives from member assessments; limiting contributions from individual members to a maximum of 4% of total WHO financing; and limiting donations from individual partners to a maximum of 3% of total WHO financing (1% for earmarked donations). Although some might consider these measures impractical, they are justified by the magnitude of the crises the world faces, by member states’ increased economic strength in recent decades, and by the importance of shielding the WHO’s financing structure from perceived neocolonialism. This necessary step calls for an adjustment of priorities: the higher level of assessed contribution—from nearly all members regardless of wealth—required to reach the proposed targets would still represent only a small fraction of most members’ annual military expenditures. Conclusion The COVID-19 pandemic, with its devastating toll on human life and global economic stability, presents an opportunity for reflection and refocusing. Realigning WHO’s financial structure to its founders’ vision, as proposed here, would likely safeguard both the agency’s autonomy and member states’ trust, while alleviating concerns about undue influence from powerful donors. Removing the persistent structural defect in financing would empower WHO to lead and coordinate global response to meet the inevitable challenges of the coming decades.


2019 ◽  
pp. 0143831X1985641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Harcourt ◽  
Gregor Gall ◽  
Arjun Sree Raman ◽  
Helen Lam ◽  
Richard Croucher

Key EU agencies have successfully urged member states to scale back employment protection legislation as a solution to unemployment. The economic arguments for this reform are mixed, with recent empirical evidence largely unsupportive. Critics have also raised doubts about the accuracy of the OECD’s Employment Protection Legislation Index, which is the principal method EU agencies use to target so-called high-protection regimes. This article supplements existing criticisms of the OECD index by arguing that it fails to account for procedural requirements in assessing the difficulties and costs of carrying out individual dismissals. Evidence from New Zealand, ostensibly a low-protection country, demonstrates procedural requirements can pose the main impediments to carrying out individual dismissals. This suggests the need for revision of the OECD Employment Protection Legislation Index or the use of other indices instead.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-342
Author(s):  
Olga Salido ◽  
Julio Carabaña

This article was inspired by Atkinson and Brandolini’s work on the economic middle classes and deals with the evolution of the income share of the middle class compared with that of the extreme classes in the EU-15 (the EU’s first 15 member states) over the last two decades. Our research draws on the paradox of the EU officially assuming dominant ideas about rising inequalities and the squeezing of middle-class income produced by globalization and technological change while at the same time producing and disseminating empirical evidence contrary to this view. We first synthesize this evidence, also contributing some additional analyses of Eurostat data, confirming that the income share of the middle class has not changed in the past two decades, as could be expected from the invariance in income inequality. We finally put forward some considerations about the theoretical implications of these empirical results and the interaction between ideas and empirical evidence in political societies and organizations.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 92-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaojing Zhang

This paper studies the determinants of China's inflation and finds that demand-pull factors have been more important than cost-push factors in driving the inflation in the past decade. Because China's economic growth will gradually moderate and because the adjustment of the prices of the factors of production is also underway, the cost-push factors may soon play a more significant role in driving future inflation. Thus the Keynesian-style demand-side policy will not be enough to control inflation. More attention must now be given to supply-side management—such as dismantling monopolies, boosting private investment, encouraging innovation, and improving productivity—to mitigate the medium- to long-term inflation pressure.


2018 ◽  
Vol Special issue (2018) ◽  
pp. 92-110
Author(s):  
Georgeta VINTILĂ ◽  
◽  
Mihaela ONOFREI ◽  
Ioana-Laura ŢIBULCĂ ◽  
◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Peter Poptchev

The article identifies the trends as well as documented instances of adversarial cyberattacks and hybrid warfare against NATO and EU Member States. It illustrates how these adversarial activities impact on the broader aspects of national security and defence, the socio-economic stability and the democratic order of the states affected, including on the cohesion of their respective societies. Cyberattacks by foreign actors—state and non-state—including state-sponsored attacks against democratic institutions, critical infrastructure and other governmental, military, economic, academic, social and corporate systems of both EU and NATO Member States have noticeably multiplied and have become more sophisticated, more destructive, more expensive and often indiscriminate. The cyber and hybrid threats are increasingly seen as a strategic challenge. The article presents some salient topics such as the nexus between cyberattacks and hybrid operations; the game-changing artificial intelligence dimension of the cyber threat; and the viability of public attributions in cases of cyberattacks. On the basis of analysis of the conceptual thinking and policy guide-lines of NATO, the European Union and of the U.S., the author makes the case that a resolute Trans-Atlantic cooperation in the cyber domain is good for the security of the countries involved and essential for the stability of today’s cyber-reliant world.


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