scholarly journals Los polacos en la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939): durante el conflicto y después

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 167-184
Author(s):  
Jacek Pietrzak

Polish citizens and people of Polish descent played a considerably significant role in the Spanish Civil War. They fought on both sides of the conflict, however, most of them in the Republican Army (4,500-5,000 among ca. 35,000 soldiers of the International Brigades). Approximately 75% of them comprised of immigrants, mainly from France, who were predominantly either activists or supporters of the French Communist Party. Only 600-800, or according to some sources 1200 individuals, the majority of whom were communists (80% or more), were believed to come directly from Poland. The highest number of volunteers fought within the ranks of 13th Brigade “Jarosław Dąbrowski”, which took part in the major key operations and suffered huge losses amounting to 30-40%. A few dozens of Poles fought in the Gen. F. Franco’s National Army.  Most of them were professional soldiers of the Spanish Foreign Legion, who had joined it before the war broke out, so their participation in the war was not dictated by ideological reasons. The author adopts synthesizing approach to portray the Polish soldiers fighting for each side of the conflict, including their background and involvement in the most important military operations. The article pays an attention to the fates of Polish veterans of the International Brigades referred to as “Dąbrowszczacy” during the World War II and, following this, an attempt to demonstrate the specific role and changes “Dąbrowszczacy” were undergoing within the political system of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL).

Author(s):  
David A. Hollinger

This chapter analyzes the consolidation in 1942 of the two major, religiously defined institutional forces of the entire period from World War II to the present. The Delaware Conference of March 3–5, 1942, was the first moment at which rival groups within the leadership of ecumenical Protestantism came together and agreed upon an agenda for the postwar world. The chapter addresses the following questions: Just what did the Delaware Conference agree upon and proclaim to the world? Which Protestant leaders were present at the conference and/or helped to bring it about and to endow it with the character of a summit meeting? In what respects did the new political orientation established at the conference affect the destiny of ecumenical Protestantism?


Author(s):  
Nicola Phillips

This chapter focuses on the political economy of development. It first considers the different (and competing) ways of thinking about development that have emerged since the end of World War II, laying emphasis on modernization, structuralist, and underdevelopment theories, neo-liberalism and neo-statism, and ‘human development’, gender, and environmental theories. The chapter proceeds by exploring how particular understandings of development have given rise to particular kinds of development strategies at both the national and global levels. It then examines the relationship between globalization and development, in both empirical and theoretical terms. It also describes how conditions of ‘mal-development’ — or development failures — both arise from and are reinforced by globalization processes and the ways in which the world economy is governed.


1981 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 26-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunther Beyer

This article describes the human and socioeconomic aspects of the political refugee problem before and after World War II, and explains the facts which caused the flows of forced migrations throughout the world.


Author(s):  
Rabi S. Bhagat ◽  
Annette S. McDevitt ◽  
B. Ram Baliga

Organizations that function across dissimilar nations and cultures are known as global organizations. Their origins may be in any of the globalized countries of the World Trade Organization as well as other supernational systems that coordinate activities of the United Nations and similar organizations. Global organizations are everywhere, and their growth has been phenomenal since World War II. Managing them effectively requires in-depth knowledge of the political and economic geography in which they operate. Along with such knowledge, managers must also discern the underpinnings of cultural and technological developments in their strategic planning and implementation. A few decades ago, an interdisciplinary perspective was not regarded as crucial in understanding the functioning of global organizations. However, in the complex and dynamic era of globalization, an interdisciplinary perspective is crucial. This book adopts this perspective and integrates the often conflicting and dynamic perspectives in a fashion that sheds light for understanding the nature of global organizations in the twenty-first century.


Author(s):  
Jacqueline Castledine

This chapter discusses how Americans debated regarding women's right to vote, even before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. By the presidential election of 1936, most agreed that women had failed to organize in numbers large enough to provide them with an effective voice in the political system. However, World War II would create opportunities for women's political activism. As men joined the service, women replaced them not only in the industrial workplace but also in political organizing. Americans concerned with dramatic shifts in gender roles then engaged in a concerted effort to remasculinize U.S. culture after the war. In need of strategies to lessen their apparent threat to American masculinity, Progressive women, led by Women for Wallace chair Elinor Gimbel, introduced various tactics to calm fears about the supposed dangers of leftist women.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 190
Author(s):  
Affabile Rifawan ◽  
Arry Bainus

It is the political book of Chomsky in 2016. In his political book, Chomsky narrated it systemically with his expertise in linguistics and politics. It is focused on the how the world works and be arranged with the domination and indomitable of existing superpower that unequaled since the triumph of world war II. In the arrangement, the superpower rules the term of knowledge, power, and the system. In part of knwoledge, the labelling theory and construction of the term is the emphasizement of this writing. Meanwhile, on the power comparation, the capability of leadership and either tangible and intangible assets are very valuable. The system also indispensable in shaping the interaction between state and non state actors in ruling this world.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Powell

At the end of World War II, Japan, as well as the rest of the world, was thrust into a new age of unbelievably destructive possibilities: the first use of nuclear weapons against human beings. Not only could such a bomb flatten an entire city, it could do so in only an instant. The poorly understood scars that were left showed a new level of war that the world needs to come to terms with. By considering the many medical effects of the atomic bomb on the victims of Hiroshima City, which encompasses the initial blast, radiation, and traumatic effects, we can gain a better understanding of the terrible costs of human health in nuclear war.


2021 ◽  
Vol 148 (3) ◽  
pp. 535-558
Author(s):  
Remigiusz Kasprzycki

Pacifism and anti-militarism in Western Europe, 1918–1939 As the consequence of the events of 1914–1918, the pacifism was on the rise in Western Europe. Societies of England, France and Germany as well as other Western European countries, set themselves the goal of preventing another war from breaking out. International congresses and conventions were organized. They were attended by peace advocates representing various social and political views, which made cooperation difficult. These meetings did not prevent the Spanish Civil War, the aggression against Abyssinia and the outbreak of World War II. In addition to moderate pacifists, Western Europe was also home to radical anti-militarists who believed that way to the world peace led through the abolition of military service. The pacifists in Britain and France were satisfied with their politicians’ submissiveness and indecision toward Hitler during the 1930s. Pacifism and radical anti-militarism also fitted perfectly into the plans of the Comintern. With its help, the USSR weakened the military potential of Western Europe.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-107
Author(s):  
Bogdan-Alexandru Schipor

We can all agree that World War II, beyond its military, political or economic coordinates, countless tragedies, convulsions propagated around the world, tensions and dramas often felt to our day, was for all of us a lesson of geography. From this perspective, the invasion of Poland in September 1939 by the German and Soviet troops was a first lesson, continued on another level by the Soviet-Finnish Winter War. The invasion of Norway (and Denmark) by the Germans in April 1940, followed by the allied reaction and the transformation of the Scandinavian states into a theatre of military operations, was monitored with distinct interest in Romania, at political, diplomatic and military level, but also at the level of general perception of a society that was both worried and avid, in the context of the European (for the time being) war, of information on the evolution of the conflict and not only. Names such as Oslo, Narvik, Trondheim, Åndalsnes, Namsos, Bergen, Lillehammer, Stavanger or Tromsø become familiar to the Romanian public. We find, especially in the Romanian media of the time, a luxurious abundance of accounts, commentaries, editorials, telegrams or interviews related to the conduct of military operations in northern Europe, beyond the censorship and restrictions imposed by the conditions of the war. From this perspective, we find it difficult to attempt even to pursue the conflict in Norway in April-May 1940 only in the light of articles in the Romanian press. Central newspapers, in the first place, abound with telegrams that alternately feature views, news, and information from both camps. Inevitably there were various denials, rumors, or what we call today “fake news”, often taken over by the sensational rush, even by big press agencies of the time, without mentioning newspapers in European capitals including Bucharest. For this reason, our objective is to identify and analyze some of the Romanian echoes generated by the invasion of Norway, both in the Romanian media, but also at a diplomatic or military level, in a context in which Romania, as a neutral state, lived its own tensions and worries about its future fate as the war spread across the old continent.


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