scholarly journals Thomas Hobbes’s Theological and Political Anthropology and the Essential Mutations of the Perception of the Laws of Nature and Natural Rights in Seventeenth-Century England

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-413
Author(s):  
Ionut Untea
Keyword(s):  
Laws Of Nature ◽  
Image Of God ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Anthropology ◽  
Classical Antiquity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Anthropological Perspective ◽  
Natural Right ◽  
Theological Controversy ◽  
The Relationship

The overall goal of the article is to reexamine Hobbes’s concern to respond to the challenges of the republican perspective on the relationship between the liberty of subjects and the political power. If, according to Skinner, republican theorists appealed to sources of classical antiquity, I argue that Hobbes chooses to offer a blend of classical and theological ideas in order to generate a “science” of the political life within the confines of a postlapsarian world dominated by passion and the fear of death. If the image of God is maintained in the Hobbesian politics, it is because Hobbes needed a model of imitation of a stability that the individuals dominated by passions failed too often to have. Hobbes also needed a model of omnipotence and providence to be imitated by the sovereign. This complex relationship between the theological heritage of the past and the novelties inaugurated in political thought by Hobbes’s accent on human passions triggers a series of changes in Hobbes’s understanding of the law of nature and natural right. The article brings to discussion Hobbes’s indebtedness to Lactantius in reading Lucretius’s materialism, Augustine’s model of God as a Creator and the theological controversy between intellectualism and voluntarism when formulating his own anthropological perspective on “natural” and “civil” law and right.

How to Exist Politically and Learn from It: Hannah Arendt and the Problem of Democratic Education

2010 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 556-575
Author(s):  
Gert Biesta
Keyword(s):  
Hannah Arendt ◽  
Democratic Education ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Qualities ◽  
Democratic Life ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Background Context

Background/Context In discussions about democratic education, there is a strong tendency to see the role of education as that of the preparation of children and young people for their future participation in democratic life. A major problem with this view is that it relies on the idea that the guarantee for democracy lies in the existence of a properly educated citizenry so that once all citizens have received their education, democracy will simply follow. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study The question that is explored in this article is whether it is possible to think of the relationship between education and democracy differently than in terms of preparation. This is important not only to be able to acknowledge the political nature of democratic education but also to be able to acknowledge the political “foundation” of democratic politics itself. Research Design The argumentation in the article is developed through a critical analysis and discussion of the work of Hannah Arendt, with a specific focus on her ideas about the relationship between education and politics and her views on the role of understanding in politics. Findings/Results Arendt's writings on the relationship between education and politics seem to be informed by a “developmentalistic” perspective in which it is maintained that the child is not yet ready for political life, so education has to be separated from politics and seen as a preparation for future participation in political life. Arendt's writings on politics and the role of understanding in political life point in a different direction. They articulate what it means to exist politically—that is, to exist together in plurality—and highlight that political existence is neither based on, nor can be guaranteed by, moral qualities such as tolerance and respect. Conclusions/Recommendations The main conclusion of the article is that democratic education should not be seen as the preparation of citizens for their future participation in political life. Rather, it should focus on creating opportunities for political existence inside and outside schools. Rather than thinking of democratic education as learning for political existence, it is argued that the focus of our educational endeavours should be on how we can learn from political existence.

scholarly journals Kelembagaan Politik Islam: Konsep Konstitusi, Legislasi, Demokrasi, Ummah Dan Syura’

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Kun Budianto
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Modern World ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Confidence ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The People ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Rules Of The Game ◽  
Made In

Islam is a religion perfect and comprehensive, it should have a major role in the political life of a country. To go toward the integration of society, the state and the Islamic ijtihad is needed that will provide guidance for parliamentarians or politicians in explaining hujahnya in politics. And the interaction of Muslims living in the modern world with the political will give new experiences and challenges towards a just and prosperous society. A clean and healthy politics will increase public confidence, especially in Indonesia that Islam is indeed manage all aspects from the economic, social, military, cultural to political. Political institutions in Islam, among others, consists of the concepts of the constitution, legislation, shura and democracy and also the ummah. Islam made ​​in the constitution is in order as the guidelines and rules of the game in the relationship between government and the people. Legislation created to deal with affairs of state and government set a law that will be enforced and implemented by people. While the shura and democracy are two interrelated things, shura is in deliberation and democracy also emphasizes the element of deliberation. And the ummah or community can be defined nation, people, people, communities and so on. It could be said that the people of an organization are bound by the rules of Islam.

scholarly journals On the origins and specificity of one motive. To the 110TH anniversary of the publication of V.V. Rozanov’s «When the boss are gone...»

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-82
Author(s):  
I.A. Yedoshina
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
Compositional Structure ◽  
Internal Dialogue ◽  
Government Power ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Subject ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship

For the first time, the book by V. V. Rozanov «When the Bosses Are Gone ...» (1910) is the subject to analyze. The article notes the specificity of the book (a collection of articles), which received a genre status in the Russian culture of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: the book contains both previously published articles and the ones, which were rejected by editors. In addition to the genre affiliation, other features of this book are revealed; the article summarizes and defines the development of the author’s political views on contemporary events in the country, which he welcomed and encouraged in his literary word; Rozanov’s historiosophy is analyzed. The author of the article commented on the compositional structure of the collection, revealed the semantic links between the articles, as well as the basis that unites them – the essence of «authorities» as a specific phenomenon of Russian life. The synonymous series of «bosses» is suggested: «bureaucracy», «government», «power». The article identifies the sources of the problems of the «bosses»: these are the works of N.A. Lyubimov and Vl.S. Soloviev, with which V.V. Rozanov conducts internal dialogue, representing the «bosses» as a part of the political life in the country of 1901 1906 and noting the weakening of the authoritarian position. The book’s artistic layout is analyzed, the sources of replica drawings on the cover and at the end of the collection are established, and the relationship between these drawings and the book’s content is revealed. It is particularly noted that already in 1914 V.V. Rozanov felt remorse about the publication of this book, and in 1917 he came to realize the catastrophic consequences of the events that he had once been so happy about.

Theorievorming als machtsfactor : politieke elites en hun legitimatie 1830-1914

Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-587
Author(s):  
Luc François
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Literature ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Relationship

Theories concerning the origin, the growth and the efficacy of political elites mainly originated after the first world-war. They arose in circles and with people who resented the increasing democratisation of political life. They were above all meant as a legitimation of conservative ideas with regard to the exertion of politica! power. The years between 1830 and 1914 however can be considered as the incubation-period for these elite-theories. Some examples taken from the Belgian political literature shall illustrate this evolution.The liberal middle class got divided on the interpretation of the political events between 1789 and 1848. The doctrinarians wished to maintain the acquired results whereas the radicals chose for a further sharing ofpower with the lower social classes. The conservatives held the past as an example and in principle they wished a return to the situation that existed before 1789. The contrast between clericals and anticlericals and above all the relationship between church and state interfered with these theoretical conceptions. But neither conservatives nor liberals however had their doubts about the elite-principle.In the second half of the nineteenth century the social consequences of the industrial revolution were felt in such a radical way that the masses too claimed political power in order to improve their destiny.On the political scene the discussion especially crystallized on the demand for universal suffrage and the way of representation. Not only political publicists hut towards the end of the century particularly scientists too supplied a theoretical foundation for the relationship between the elite and the masses.

The country at a standstill: Yugoslavia and Slovene politics in the 1930s

2011 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Jure Gašparič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
National Life ◽  
Repressive Regime ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Groups

King Alexander's dictatorship in Yugoslavia (proclaimed in January 1929) was an expression of a real political need for consolidation in the country; however, in essence, it was an autocratic and repressive regime. More decisive moves toward a return of democracy did not occur, even later, after the replacement of his regime in June 1935. The political methods in the internal political life followed the pattern from the first half of the 1930s to the very eve of World War II. Such a situation also defined the relationship between the Slovenes and Yugoslavia. Slovene politics continued to look at the state from two angles – a unitary/centralist angle on the one hand and an autonomist/federalist angle on the other. Both camps (as well as other Yugoslav political players), however, failed to create an environment that would enable truly democratic compromises. The state was stuck at a “standstill,” but in spite of all its flaws, in the view of the Slovene political groups it represented the most suitable environment for the political and national life of Slovenes. Any serious political calculations that would go beyond this framework hardly existed.

scholarly journals Relations between the Livonian Order and the Archbishops of Riga in the context of the Reformation and the question of the political structure of Livonia

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-187
Author(s):  
Andrey A. Konoplenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Reformation Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The article reveals the nature and features of the relationship between the Livonian Order and the Archbishops of Riga during the Livonian Reformation, in 1521–1558, and reveals their attitude towards the spread of Lutheranism, the influence of the reformation processes on the political life of Livonia. It also examines the legal, political and ideological reasons and prerequisites of the Livonian Master Wolter von Plettenberg historical choice. The article concludes about the successful use of the reformation movement by the Livonian Order in the struggle against the Archbishop of Riga, about the negative impact of the results of this policy on the position of the Order, about the worsening of the difficult political situation in Livonia by the Reformation.

scholarly journals La metáfora del desierto en Hannah Arendt

2021 ◽  
pp. 51-67
Author(s):  
Sergio Quintero Martín ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Hannah Arendt ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Endemic Disease ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship

"At the beginning of 1955 Hannah Arendt began to inquire into the origins and causes of political life for the planning of a book, which never saw the light and which would have borne the title Einführung in die Politik (Introduction to Politics), she asked herself a question with resonance in the thought of Leibniz, Schelling and Heidegger: Why is there someone and not rather no one? With this question Arendt echoes a phenomenon that would run through the whole of her thought: the estrangement from the world (Weltentfremdung), which was widespread among philosophers as an endemic disease when analyzing the conditions of the world. For Arendt this phenomenon represents the first obstacle to overcome in order to understand the reality of politics. The actuality of the political phenomenon, paying special attention to the metaphor of the desert and how it breaks down the relationship between tyranny and the emptying of public space."

scholarly journals The Far Eastern Railway in the 1930s

Sibirica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Elena Gnatovskaya ◽  
Alexander Kim
Keyword(s):  
Social Groups ◽  
Far East ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Railroad Workers ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
The Far East ◽  
Broad Variety ◽  
Far Eastern ◽  
The Relationship

This article evaluates the relationship among the railroad staff of the Far East during the most dramatic events in the political life of the country at that time—repressions. As a rule, Russian academic literature indicates that few workers perceived the Soviet state’s mechanisms of pressure negatively. This article demonstrates that the railroad staff’s position was far more diverse than traditionally argued, which is a result of the broad variety of social groups working for the railroad in the Far East. The article demonstrates this diversity of opinions by focusing on those events that affected a significant number of railroad workers.

Light unto the Nations

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-200
Author(s):  
Adam Sutcliffe
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
History Of ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Century Thought

This chapter focuses on the purpose of the Jews in relation to the potential and meaning of nationhood, in both Zionist and non-Zionist contexts. It talks about Moses Hess, a writer in Germany in the 1860s, who linked a profoundly negative view of the Jews' diasporic role as arch-capitalists to his irenic view of the role of the Jews in his Zionist vision of the future. It explains how a Zionist grappling with the idea of Jewish exemplarity runs through the twentieth-century history of the movement. This chapter also highlights the cultural Zionism of Ahad Ha'am and the political rhetoric of David Ben-Gurion, who repeatedly invoked Isaiah's “light unto the nations” as his vision for the Jewish state. It analyzes the relationship of Jewish exemplarity and purpose to the broader political life of the nation state that became a rich and complicated seam of debate within twentieth century thought.

scholarly journals Violence and the Biopolitics of Modernity

2010 ◽  
pp. 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johanna Oksala
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Western Tradition ◽  
Effective Strategies ◽  
Forms Of Violence ◽  
The Relationship

The paper studies the relationship between political violence and biological life in the thought of Hannah Arendt, Giorgio Agamben and Michel Foucault. I follow Foucault in arguing that understanding political violence in modernity means rethinking the ontological boundary between biological and political life that has fundamentally ordered the Western tradition of political thought. I show that while Arendt, Agamben and Foucault all see the merging of the categories of life and politics as the key problem of Modernity, they understand this problem in crucially different terms and suggest different solutions to it. This results in different understandings of the relationship between violence and the political. It is my contention that the violence of modern biopolitical societies is not due to originary ties between sovereign power and biopower, as Agamben claims. Sovereign states use biopolitical methods of violence, but this violence is not an originary or necessary aspect of political power. In order to criticise the forms of violence specific to modern biopolitical societies we must expose the points of tension, as well as of overlap between two types of power – biopower and sovereign power. Understanding their distinctive rationalities is crucial for developing effective strategies against current forms of political violence.

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