scholarly journals Testimonios y militancias de mujeres en Argentina: Revolución, Derechos Humanos y Feminismo

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (16) ◽  
pp. 62-103
Author(s):  
Teresa Basile

In this article,will examine a specific moment in the trajectories of both women's testimony and militancy, which have traced very powerful and certainly varied paths in recent decades in Argentina and Latin America, beginning at the beginning of democracy, after the Argentine dictatorship (1976-1983), with women's testimonies on the sexual crimes suffered in clandestine detention centers (CCD). They are part of a second wave within the literary and cultural tradition of Latin American testimony. In a first movement, the testimony of revolutionary matrix, which includes ethnographic, guerrilla and journalistic testimony, was institutionalized in 1970 by Casa de las Américas under the revolutionary model that spread throughout the continent from Cuba. In order to approach the corpus of women's testimonies on sexual terrorism, we consider it appropriate to point out the articulation of three matrixes that have permeated both testimonial texts and political practices: the revolutionary narrative, the humanitarian narrative and the feminist discourse.

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 183-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Christine Doran

The criminalization of social movements and protest remains underanalyzed as a problem intrinsic to democracy. Comparison of two seemingly different Latin American countries with regard to the degree of violence, Chile and Mexico, suggests that, far from being caused by the dysfunction of the legal system or other institutional factors, criminalization is a specific form of retrenching on well-established civil and political rights, rendering them synonymous with criminal behavior that must be sanctioned legally, and tolerates abusive behavior by state agents toward human rights defenders, who are viewed as enemies. As such, it is key to an understanding of the current violence in Latin America. Fieldwork and interviews of human rights defenders in the two countries suggest that criminalization of collective action is a systemic state response to the intense multifaceted mobilization in favor of democracy and new generations of rights that Latin America has been experiencing “from below” during the past decade. La criminalización de los movimientos y protestas sociales sigue siendo un problema intrínseco a la democracia pero es poco analizado como tal. Una comparación del grado de violencia en dos países latinoamericanos, Chile y México, sugiere que, lejos de ser el producto del sistema legal u otros factores institucionales, la criminalización es una forma específica de reducir derechos civiles y políticos bien establecidos y convertirlos en sinónimo de comportamiento criminal que debe ser sancionado legalmente. Dicho proceso tolera el comportamiento abusivo por parte de agentes del estado hacia defensores de los derechos humanos, quienes aparecen como enemigos. Esto es crucial para entender la actual violencia en América Latina. La criminalización de la acción colectiva es una respuesta estatal sistémica a una intensa y multifacética movilización de grupos de base a favor de la democracia y nuevos derechos en esta última década.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-254
Author(s):  
Cristóvão Teixeira Rodrigues Silva ◽  
Antonio Basilio Novaes Thomaz de Menezes

O presente trabalho busca compreender quais os fundamentos da Educação em Direitos Humanos (EDH) na América Latina, identificando as possíveis rupturas e continuidades com o projeto social delineado na Modernidade. O artigo parte da ideia que a sociabilidade moderna formou as bases das práticas educativas contemporâneas latino-americanas, que têm como elementos a emancipação humana através da produção racional e universal do conhecimento, economia capitalista e Estado centralizado. No percurso investigativo realizado, entende-se que por não serem monolíticos, o conjunto de ideias, valores e crenças que formam a Modernidade apresentam tensões e conflitos internos, os quais não impediram o surgimento de um pensamento homogêneo e a colonização de múltiplos interesses sociais locais pela satisfação dos interesses econômicos globais. Em seguida, abordam-se os efeitos da adoção desse projeto na América Latina, marcado pela dominação direta dos colonizadores europeus, extermínio dos povos originários e sucessivos governos autoritários, emergindo práticas educativas que impedem o diálogo com o conhecimento local e a formação de cidadãos participativos. Por meio de uma abordagem qualitativa e revisão de literatura, é possível identificar que a EDH na América Latina se fundamenta na reflexão social crítica, que tem raízes nos preceitos da educação popular e movimentos sociais pró-democráticos, que buscam a ampliação da participação política popular. É possível concluir que o diálogo e a democracia são a um só tempo pré-condição e fim da prática da educação comprometida com a emancipação humana e a participação inclusiva. O desafio à manutenção de um programa permanente de EDH é a neutralização ou esvaziamento por interesses econômicos, antidemocráticos e de negação dos saberes locais.   La educación en derechos humanos en América Latina: bases para una práctica educativa democrática El presente trabajo busca comprender los fundamentos de la Educación en Derechos Humanos (EDH) en América Latina, identificando las posibles rupturas y continuidades con el proyecto social perfilado en la Modernidad. El artículo parte de la idea de que la sociabilidad moderna fue la base de las prácticas educativas latinoamericanas contemporáneas, cuyos elementos son la emancipación humana a través de la producción racional y universal del conocimiento, la economía capitalista y el estado centralizado. En el camino investigativo tomado, se entiende que por no ser monolíticos, el conjunto de ideas, valores y creencias que conforman la Modernidad presenta tensiones y conflictos internos, que no impidieron el surgimiento de un pensamiento homogéneo y la colonización de múltiples intereses sociales y culturales. para la satisfacción de los intereses económicos globales. Luego, se abordan los efectos de la adopción de este proyecto en América Latina, marcado por la dominación directa de los colonizadores europeos, el exterminio de los pueblos originarios y sucesivos gobiernos autoritarios, prácticas educativas emergentes que impiden el diálogo con los saberes locales y la formación de ciudadanos participativos. A través de un enfoque cualitativo y revisión de la literatura, es posible identificar que EDH en América Latina parte de una reflexión social crítica, que tiene sus raíces en los preceptos de la educación popular, defensora del diálogo con los saberes locales y movimientos sociales prodemocráticos. , que buscan ampliar la participación popular. Es posible concluir que el diálogo y la democracia son a la vez condición previa y fin de la práctica de una educación comprometida con la emancipación humana y la participación inclusiva, y es un desafío mantener un programa permanente que no se neutralice ni se vacíe. Palabras clave: Educación en derechos humanos. América Latina. Fundamentos sociohistóricos. Democracia. Justicia social.   Human rights education in Latin America: foundations for a democratic educational practice The present work seeks to understand the fundamentals of Human Rights Education (HRE) in Latin America, identifying the possible ruptures and continuities with the social project outlined in Modernity. The article starts from the idea that modern sociability formed the basis of contemporary Latin American educational practices, whose elements are human emancipation through the rational and universal production of knowledge, capitalist economy and centralized state. In the investigative path taken, it is understood that because they are not monolithic, the set of ideas, values and beliefs that make up Modernity present internal tensions and conflicts, which did not prevent the emergence of homogeneous thinking and the colonization of multiple social and cultural interests by the satisfaction of global economic interests. Then, the effects of the adoption of this project in Latin America are approached, marked by the direct domination of European colonizers, the extermination of the original peoples and successive authoritarian governments, emerging educational practices that prevent dialogue with local knowledge and the formation of participatory citizens. Through a qualitative approach and literature review, it is possible to identify that HRE in Latin America starts from a critical social reflection, which has its roots in the precepts of popular education and pro-democratic social movements, which seek to expand popular political participation. It is possible to conclude that dialogue and democracy are both a precondition and an end to the practice of education committed to human emancipation and inclusive participation. The challenge for maintaining a permanent HRE program is its neutralization or emptying due to economic, anti-democratic interests and the denial of local knowledge. Keywords: Human rights education. Latin America. Socio-historical foundations. Democracy. Social justice.


Author(s):  
Aldo Marchesi

In the late 1960s, several leftist political movements in Latin America began to claim the use of political violence as a means of social transformation. This second wave of leftist political violence was distinct from an earlier wave—composed of rural guerillas inspired by the Cuban Revolution, roughly a decade and a half earlier—in several ways. The later proponents of armed struggle emphasized the importance of cities in armed actions, not just rural settings. They also advocated interaction between armed organizations and other actors in social movements, including far-left nationalist and populist factions within traditional political parties and the Catholic Church. Armed action was seen by such groups as a valid response to increasingly repressive governments, and to limitations on political action that made social change through peaceful means impossible. The use of violence provided a way to develop collective action in the hostile environment of the Latin American Cold War, which was marked by extreme political and ideological polarization.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustín Escobar Latapi

Although the migration – development nexus is widely recognized as a complex one, it is generally thought that there is a relationship between poverty and emigration, and that remittances lessen inequality. On the basis of Latin American and Mexican data, this chapter intends to show that for Mexico, the exchange of migrants for remittances is among the lowest in Latin America, that extreme poor Mexicans don't migrate although the moderately poor do, that remittances have a small, non-significant impact on the most widely used inequality index of all households and a very large one on the inequality index of remittance-receiving households, and finally that, to Mexican households, the opportunity cost of international migration is higher than remittance income. In summary, there is a relationship between poverty and migration (and vice versa), but this relationship is far from linear, and in some respects may be a perverse one for Mexico and for Mexican households.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.


Author(s):  
Amy C. Offner

In the years after 1945, a flood of U.S. advisors swept into Latin America with dreams of building a new economic order and lifting the Third World out of poverty. These businessmen, economists, community workers, and architects went south with the gospel of the New Deal on their lips, but Latin American realities soon revealed unexpected possibilities within the New Deal itself. In Colombia, Latin Americans and U.S. advisors ended up decentralizing the state, privatizing public functions, and launching austere social welfare programs. By the 1960s, they had remade the country's housing projects, river valleys, and universities. They had also generated new lessons for the United States itself. When the Johnson administration launched the War on Poverty, U.S. social movements, business associations, and government agencies all promised to repatriate the lessons of development, and they did so by multiplying the uses of austerity and for-profit contracting within their own welfare state. A decade later, ascendant right-wing movements seeking to dismantle the midcentury state did not need to reach for entirely new ideas: they redeployed policies already at hand. This book brings readers to Colombia and back, showing the entanglement of American societies and the contradictory promises of midcentury statebuilding. The untold story of how the road from the New Deal to the Great Society ran through Latin America, the book also offers a surprising new account of the origins of neoliberalism.


1969 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Andrés Dapuez

Latin American cash transfer programs have been implemented aiming at particular anticipatory scenarios. Given that the fulfillment of cash transfer objectives can be calculated neither empirically nor rationally a priori, I analyse these programs in this article using the concept of an “imaginary future.” I posit that cash transfer implementers in Latin America have entertained three main fictional expectations: social pacification in the short term, market inclusion in the long term, and the construction of a more distributive society in the very long term. I classify and date these developing expectations into three waves of conditional cash transfers implementation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricio Lopez-Jaramillo ◽  
Jose Lopez-Lopez ◽  
Daniel Cohen ◽  
Natalia Alarcon-Ariza ◽  
Margarita Mogollon-Zehr

: Hypertension and type 2 diabetes mellitus are two important risk factors that contribute to cardiovascular diseases worldwide. In Latin America hypertension prevalence varies from 30 to 50%. Moreover, the proportion of awareness, treatment and control of hypertension is very low. The prevalence of type 2 diabetes mellitus varies from 8 to 13% and near to 40% are unaware of their condition. In addition, the prevalence of prediabetes varies from 6 to 14% and this condition has been also associated with increased risk of cardiovascular diseases. The principal factors linked to a higher risk of hypertension in Latin America are increased adiposity, low muscle strength, unhealthy diet, low physical activity and low education. Besides being chronic conditions, leading causes of cardiovascular mortality, both hypertension and type 2 diabetes mellitus represent a substantial cost for the weak health systems of Latin American countries. Therefore, is necessary to implement and reinforce public health programs to improve awareness, treatment and control of hypertension and type 2 diabetes mellitus, in order to reach the mandate of the Unit Nations of decrease the premature mortality for CVD.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Lawrence

This chapter focuses on a paradigmatic misencounter between an American experiencer and a Latin American reader. Examining an implicit debate about the sources of Walt Whitman’s poetry and vision of the Americas, I argue that Waldo Frank, one of the twentieth century’s main literary ambassadors from the US to Latin America, positioned Whitman as the representative US writer whose antibookish experiential aesthetics could serve as a model for “American” writers both in the North and in the South. I show how Frank’s framework provided a foil for Borges’s idiosyncratic view that Whitman’s poetry about America derived entirely from his readings of European and US writers. Although much of the best scholarship on Whitman’s reception in Latin America has concentrated on poets like José Martí and Pablo Neruda, who adapted Whitman’s naturalism, I contend that Borges’s iconoclastic portrait of Whitman as a reader profoundly influenced a range of anti-experiential literary theories and practices in Latin America.


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