scholarly journals Personal and Political: A Micro-history of the "Red Column" Collective Farm, 1935-36

Author(s):  
Samantha Lomb

This article investigates the confluence of personal interests and the official policy on collective farms in the mid 1930s, a period that has received far less scholarly attention than the collectivization drive.  The current historiography on collective farmers’ relationship with the state is one-sided, presenting peasants either as passive victims of or idealized resistors to state policies.  Both views minimize the complex realities that governed the everyday lives of collective farmers for whom state policies often were secondary to local concerns. My paper, which draws upon rich archival materials in Kirov Krai, employs a micro-historical approach to study the struggle to remove the chairman of the “Red Column” collective farm in Kirov Krai in 1935-36.  It demonstrates that local and personal issues (family ties, grudges, and personality traits) had more influence on how collective farmers reacted to state campaigns and investigations than did official state policy and rhetoric. The chairman’s rude and arrogant behavior, mistreatment of the collective farmers, and flaunting of material goods led to his downfall.  But to strengthen their arguments, his opponents accused him of associating with kulaks and white guardists. The chairman and his supporters struck back, alleging that his detractors were themselves white guardists and kulaks, who sought revenge for having been expelled from the collective farm. Such a micro-historical approach reveals the importance of popular opinion, attitudes, and behavior on collective farms and the level of control that collective farmers had over shaping the implementation of state policies. This paper enables one to appreciate that peasants knew well how to manipulate official labels, such as kulak or class enemy, as weapons to achieve goals of local and personal importance.  It enriches the historiography by offering a different way to appreciate peasant attitudes and behavior, and collective farm life in the mid 1930s.

Author(s):  
Geoffrey Haddock ◽  
Sapphira Thorne ◽  
Lukas Wolf

Attitudes refer to overall evaluations of people, groups, ideas, and other objects, reflecting whether individuals like or dislike them. Attitudes have been found to be good predictors of behavior, with generally medium-sized effects. The role of attitudes in guiding behavior may be the primary reason why people’s social lives often revolve around expressing and discussing their attitudes, and why social psychology researchers have spent decades examining attitudes. Two central questions in the study of attitudes concern when and how attitudes predict behavior. The “when” question has been addressed over decades of research that has identified circumstances under which attitudes are more or less likely to predict behavior. That is, attitudes are stronger predictors of behaviors when both constructs are assessed in a corresponding or matching way, when attitudes are stronger, and among certain individuals and in certain situations and domains. The “how” question concerns influential models in the attitudes literature that provide a better understanding of the processes through which attitudes are linked with behaviors. For instance, these models indicate that other constructs need to be taken into account in understanding the attitude-behavior link, including intentions to perform a behavior, whether individuals perceive themselves to be in control of their behavior, and what they believe others around them think the individual should do (i.e., norms). The models also describe whether attitudes relate to behavior through relatively deliberative and controlled processes or relatively automatic and spontaneous processes. Overall, the long history of research on attitude-behavior links has provided a clearer prediction of when attitudes are linked with behaviors and a better understanding of the processes underlying this link.


2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 14-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Margolin

In late 1939, USSR in Construction, the Soviet propaganda magazine, published a special issue on the Stalin Collective Farm in the Ukraine. The inside front cover of the magazine contained an anonymous paean to socialist farming, attributing its success to the foresight and support of Joseph Stalin, the nation's leader. On the page flanking the euphoric opening text was a near full-page portrait of Comrade Stalin composed of multi-hued grains including millet, alfalfa, and poppy. Grain, or the absence thereof, was fundamental to the development of collective farms in the Soviet Union. By early 1929, government pressure to form large state-run farms had increased and Stalin declared war on the kulaks, or rich peasants. The kulaks responded by killing their livestock, destroying their crops, and demolishing their homesteads. Nonetheless, collectivization, backed by the Party apparatus, continued relentlessly. Needless to say, none of the resistance to collectivized agriculture was evident in USSR in Construction's depiction of life on the Stalin Collective Farm. At the end of the issue, the apparent happiness and prosperity of the workers were attributed to the virtues of socialism. In the later 1930s, with the inauguration of Stalin's "cult of personality," the nation was consistently equated with Stalin himself, hence the choice of his profile for the composite grain portrait. The seamlessness with which a multitude of grains could become a composite portrait of the nation's leader shows how successfully the Soviet government was able to rewrite the history of agricultural collectivization. The pain, loss, and resistance of the small landowners was successfully obliterated and replaced by a new narrative in which collective farm workers prospered and found happiness within a political system that was now synonymous with the beneficence of a single individual, Joseph Stalin.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (S1) ◽  
pp. S43-S43
Author(s):  
L. Küey

Discrimination could be defined as the attitudes and behavior based on the group differences. Any group acknowledged and proclaimed as ‘the other’ by prevailing zeitgeist and dominant social powers, and further dehumanized may become the subject of discrimination. Moreover, internalized discrimination perpetuates this process. In a spectrum from dislike and micro-aggression to overt violence towards ‘the other’, it exists almost in all societies in varying degrees and forms; all forms involving some practices of exclusion and rejection. Hence, almost all the same human physical and psychosocial characteristics that constitute the bases for in-group identities and reference systems could also become the foundations of discrimination towards the humans identified as out-groups. Added to this, othering, arising from imagined and generalized differences and used to distinguish groups of people as separate from the norm reinforces and maintains discrimination.Accordingly, discrimination built on race, color, sex, gender, gender identity, nationality and ethnicity, religious beliefs, age, physical and mental disabilities, employment, caste and language have been the focus of a vast variety of anti-discriminatory and inclusive efforts. National acts and international legislative measures and conventions, political and public movements and campaigns, human rights movements, education programs, NGO activities are some examples of such anti-discriminatory and inclusive efforts. All these efforts have significant economic, political and psychosocial components.Albeit the widespread exercise of discrimination, peoples of the world also have a long history of searching, aiming and practicing more inclusive ways of solving conflicts of interests between in-groups and out-groups. This presentation will mainly focus on the psychosocial aspects of the anti-discriminative efforts and search a room for hope and its realistic bases for a more non-violent, egalitarian and peaceful human existence.Disclosure of interestThe author has not supplied his declaration of competing interest.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorenzo De Sio

The literature highlights how different individual levels of political interest and knowledge matter for political attitudes and behavior. A logical-quantitative voting model is thus proposed for a two-party system, based on voters' left—right ideological positions and their degree of political involvement. The model hypothesizes that although more involved voters generally behave in accordance with their ideological orientation, those who are less involved do not. Moreover, the latter tend to be more undecided and therefore likely to be more strongly influenced by campaign activities. This model is then applied to survey data regarding the 2001 Italian general elections. Results confirm the hypotheses and show that the most competitive area is ideologically a narrow centrist area for very involved citizens, becoming wider as the level of involvement decreases. Separate analyses are carried out for different geopolitical areas of the country, with results fitting the political history of these areas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-221
Author(s):  
Andi Firmansah

This paper explains how the ethnic conflict process that occurred in the Southern Province of Thailand to the process of resolving conflicts between the Government of Thailand and local residents in the Southern Province of Thailand. The conflict is based on the history of the Southern Thailand region between the Thai Government and the Malay Muslim population. Then, it caused conflicting attitudes and behaviors in responding to this conflict from each of the warring parties. This paper uses the concept of the conflict triangle from Johan Galtung where this conflict comes from perceptions based on historical differences, then followed by differences in conflicting behavior from each party and differences in interests. Then, using the concept of the source of conflict from Bernard Meyer, the source of the conflict that comes from historical differences so that it affects how to communicate, emotional reactions, values ??and structures owned. Then, using the concept of the stage of conflict resolution from Johan Galtung, this conflict is at the peacekeeping level where Malaysia is the mediator between the two warring parties. In resolving conflicts, both parties need to change attitudes and behavior in transforming different interests.


Author(s):  
Heather J. Smith ◽  
Thomas F. Pettigrew ◽  
Yuen J. Huo

Relative deprivation (RD) is the product of an upward comparison that indicates that one’s disadvantaged situation is undeserved coupled with anger and resentment. RD is associated with reduced psychological health and increased individual deviance and collective action. This chapter (a) reviews the history of RD to illustrate its value as a conceptual tool, (b) discusses what is known about the different ways in which people respond to RD, and (c) explores how different comparison types inform the RD experience and its outcomes. If correctly measured, RD illuminates how people’s subjective interpretations of their economic circumstances impacts their health, attitudes and behavior.


1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Sperber

Anti-Semitism is the darkest and ugliest side of a modern German history that has had more than its share of dark and ugly sides. There is a strong and intellectually by no means illegitimate temptation to see the entire history of German anti-Semitism as a one-way street leading straight to the “Final Solution of the Jewish Question.” Yet such a teleological approach to anti-Semistism does not do justice to the complexity of the past, does not highlight what Karl Schleunes has called “the twisted road to Auschwitz.” The excellent thematic articles in this issue all take up this complexity, their authors demonstrating a subtle and sensitive approach toward understanding anti-Semitic attitudes and behavior. One could go further and say that the whole is more than the sum of the parts, that several themes running through all the individual contributions describe and characterize a one hundred year history of Catholic anti-Semitism in Germany. I have identified four such themes and will discuss their changes and variations, both over time and in the different handling of them by the authors.


The Forum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 459-480
Author(s):  
Alexa Bankert

Abstract Scholarship on partisanship has been transformed by political scientists’ embrace of social and cognitive psychology in the past few decades. This interdisciplinary union has drastically changed the way political scientists examine the origins and effects of partisanship. In this essay, I provide a brief history of scholarship on partisanship, its transformation into a partisan identity as well as its role in the study of polarization. I then demonstrate how this identity framework has propelled research on negative partisan identity in the U.S. two-party system and European multi-party systems. I conclude with a few avenues for future research that could enrich our understanding of partisanship. Scholarship on partisanship has been transformed by political scientists’ embrace of social and cognitive psychology in the past few decades. Since then, the concept of partisan identity has become widely known beyond the narrow subfield of political psychology. Indeed, the sheer volume of research on the origins, measurement, and effect of partisan identity on political behavior is indicative of its centrality in the general discipline of political science. In this essay, I provide a brief (and therefore necessarily incomplete) history of scholarship on partisanship as well as its transformation into a partisan identity. I then review contemporary research on positive and negative partisan identity in the U.S. and beyond, focusing on their differential effects on political attitudes and behavior. Last, I sketch out a few thoughts on the complexities and caveats of current scholarship, including a plea for more research on the interaction of partisanship with other identities, the necessity of studying partisanship in more externally valid contexts, as well as the promise of common identities in bridging partisan divisions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ristapawa Indra ◽  
Martin Kustati

This study aims to determine the implementation stage of history learning process for students at the Pesantren Buya Hamka; the stages of knowledge, attitudes, and behavior of students regarding nationalism and patriotism; and the correlation of leadership variables, school climate, teacher performance, and pesantren culture to history learning and also to students’ knowledge, attitudes, and behavior regarding nationalism and patriotism. This study also aims to find out the significant influence of historical learning variables on knowledge, knowledge variables on attitudes and attitudes on students’ behavior. This study combines survey research quantitative approach with descriptive, correlation, and regression methods. The results show there is a significant correlation between independent variables with historical learning variables and student knowledge variables about nationalism and patriotism. Meanwhile, there is no significant correlation between independent variables and student behavior variables. The results also show only the history of learning variables among the five independent variables that significantly influence the knowledge of nationalism and student patriotism. Student knowledge variables about nationalism and patriotism partially also affect changes in student attitudes, while changes in student attitudes do not affect linearly on changes in student behavior.


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