scholarly journals The Czech Republic in the World: Conflicting Loyalties, Organizational Memberships, and Changed National Images

Author(s):  
James W. Peterson

Czech foreign policy in the post-Cold War period bears three significant imprints. First, a country that had been torn by conflicting loyalties solved that dilemma by firmly positioning itself in the orbit of the West. Second, NATO and the EU became the organizational anchors of that western orbit. Third, fresh images of the possibility of choice and control over history replaced past national images of submission to dependence and fate. Thus, new loyalties, organizations, and images interacted to create a different foreign policy chemistry. That chemistry could enable the Czech Republic to move from its protected Central European base to a purposeful international role in a proactive way.

2000 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Meiklejohn Terry

In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.


Significance Poland is looking to forge closer ties with Washington to establish its leadership in CEE, counterbalance Franco-German dominance of the EU and present a united front against Russia. Other CEE countries are looking elsewhere for allies, as Russian President Vladimir Putin's upcoming visit to Hungary demonstrates. Impacts Germany and Austria will move to maintain influence in CEE, probably through partnering with the Czech Republic and Slovakia. Russia will work to avoid any threat to its natural gas monopoly in CEE, with Bulgaria and Hungary its levers of influence. Trump will point to gas and arms exports to Poland as a US foreign policy success, though US hawks will remain sceptical about Russia.


2010 ◽  
Vol 56 (No. 4) ◽  
pp. 163-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Svatoš ◽  
L. Smutka

This paper analyses the development of agricultural foreign trade in Austria, Hungary and the Czech Republic with the aim of uncovering the changes that have impacted the Central European agricultural trade over the ten year period (1999–2008). It issues from the results of the analysis of agricultural trade in the aforementioned countries, which has changed dramatically in terms of the commodity structure, the territorial structure and primarily the value structure. The main changes to have caused most of the changes to the individual characteristics of agricultural foreign trade in the particular countries under analysis are the process of the EU enlargementy, the adoption of obligations to ensue from the EU membership and the concentration in the internal market of the EU countries. We can see the actual changes in the commodity and territorial structure of the trade carried out in the individual countries under analysis. The changes which have occurred resulted in a dominant share of the member countries of the EU 27 in the agricultural trade of the individual countries under analysis.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (56) ◽  
pp. 255-279
Author(s):  
Zbyněk Dubský ◽  
Kateřina Kočí

The original purpose of the Visegrad Group (VG or V4 – which includes Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) was primarily to support its member states’ accession to the EU and NATO, which it successfully achieved. However, the views on the current cooperation of four Central European countries differ. Some researchers believe that the V4 has transformed since 2004 into a viable project which has become even an inspirational model of cooperation for other regional groupings. According to them, and contrary to doubts about the continuation of the V4 project, membership of the EU has given the V4 a new impulse, and its agenda has been expanded into new areas of cooperation which included EU affairs. Therefore, the V4 operates now as a distinct regional grouping within the EU (i.e. positive input regarding their commitment in several Council presidencies). Others, however, suggest that V4 cooperation seems to be labelled as a defensive project, a coalition within the EU, which is against something (recently the prominent topics have revolved around migration issues) and that it could lead to the marginalisation of the group and thus reduce its importance at the EU level. While discussing the future role of the V4, the article will focus on the Czech Republic, and its potential to promote its interests within the framework of the V4, especially in the context of its current presidency (from 1 July 2019 to 30 June 2020).


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 3) ◽  
pp. 113-119
Author(s):  
V. Vojtěch

This paper discusses the potential effects of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) on the various branches of the agricultural sector in the four OECD member Central European Countries (CECs), i.e. the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and the Slovak Republic. The estimation of the effect of the domestic sectoral policies harmonisation with the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and its impact on the farming sector, consumers of agricultural commodities and taxpayers, is based on the data from the OECD quantitative analysis of support to agriculture.


Ad Americam ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 123-142
Author(s):  
Kryštof Kozák

This article analyzes the developments in cultural memory in Czech-U.S. relations since the end of the Cold War with a special emphasis on the heated debate about placing a U.S. radar base on Czech soil in 2008. It first describes the abrupt transformation in cultural memory related to the transition from communist rule from the transatlantic perspective. It claims that the debate about the radar base is a clear indication of the shift within cultural memory, which became much more contested, especially when compared with the previous period culminating with the Czech Republic’s entry into NATO. As cultural memory is closely linked to dominant historical narratives as well as identity, the findings have serious implications for the future of the transatlantic ties in the region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clarissa Tabosa

The study examines contemporary discourses in two small Central European states, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The aim is to analyze how key domestic political players discursively construct foreign policy vis-à-vis the migration crisis. Securitization, a concept developed by the Copenhagen School, serves as an analytical framework for revealing the kinds of discourse being produced in the two countries. The analysis of the discourse of the Prime Ministers from 2015 to 2018, indicates that in the Czech Republic and Slovakia foreign policy is being constructed around the issue of Europeanness (belongingness) and accommodation in the core-periphery spectrum. The article shows that the construction of external threats is done in different security sectors in each country, but in both it seems to promote the in-group coherence needed to affirm their belongingness to Europe, and it no longer happens on grounds of ethnically defined nations, but on grounds of the broader idea of civilizational Europe.


2002 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
F. Festoc-Louis

In 1998, the European Union (EU) entered into negotiations with Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland and Slovenia concerning the enlargement of the Union. At the end of 1999, the European Commission decided that six other countries could join the negotiations in 2000 (Bulgaria, Lithuania, Latvia, Slovakia, Malta and Romania), and it was suggested that a decision concerning the date of membership would be taken in 2002 for these applicants fulfilling all the criteria. Many questions still remain on both sides, in particular regarding institutional reform of the EU (Festoc, 1998), and the ability of the Central and Eastern European countries to adopt the “acquis”. In this article, we shall evaluate the ways in which the Central European countries (Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic — the CECs) have already integrated to the Western European economy, using trade data over the last ten years. First, we show that since the beginning of the transition, a feature of the foreign trade of the CECs has been a strong reorientation from East to West, in particular to Germany, together with a rapid growth in trade between the EU and the CECs. Second, we describe the trade structure, focussed on foreign direct investment as a mean of developing new exports. The third and fourth sections study the development of the specialisations of the CECs and the nature of trade between the CECs and the EU respectively.


Subject Leaders and laggards among CE economies. Significance Economic growth remained solid in the Czech Republic and Poland in the first half of 2015. Czech GDP grew by 4.4% annually in April-June, well above expectations and the EU average; in Poland, the economy slowed marginally in the second quarter compared to the first. In Hungary, industrial production data for July underline the slowdown in GDP in the second quarter. Nevertheless, domestic demand has recovered across the Central European (CE) region, following the 2008-09 crisis setback; net exports' contribution to headline growth is far smaller than in recent years. Impacts Drops in external demand in the EU and Asia, and in industrial performance, pose the most significant downside risks. After a disappointing 2015, Poland and Hungary should bounce back in 2016, supported by rising employment as slack in the economy recedes. As the risk of deflation subsides, the Czech Republic is expected to post the strongest rates of growth across the region in 2016-17.


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