‘Ghettos of the Mind’: Realities and Myths in the Construction of the Social Identity of a Dublin Suburb

2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 15-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martina Byrne ◽  
Brid Ni Chonaill

The Republic of Ireland became a country of net immigration for the first time in 1996 and a large body of literature has since examined, at macro and meso levels, migration rates and flows, impacts on the economy, and issues around integration. However, there is a paucity of sociological literature on the effect of unprecedented immigration at local or community level. This article addresses this deficit by demonstrating how the social identity of a place, home to a particularly high proportion of immigrants over the past two decades, is differentially constructed in the perceptions of those situated within, and outside. We combine data sets from two qualitative studies of Irish people living inside and outside the north Dublin suburb of Blanchardstown firstly to underpin our argument that place identities are processes which can change in a relatively short time and that some place identities are more mythical than real. Secondly, we problematise the term ‘ghetto’, as employed by some participants in this study and argue that racial, ethnic and class positionality is implicated in the construction of the relational identities of the place. Our findings contrast residents’ awareness of the heterogeneity of their area with outsiders’ construction of a homogenous raced and classed identity for the place, namely, one where large numbers of lower class and black immigrants live.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 91-97
Author(s):  
RUSLAN ABAKAROV ◽  

The purpose of this article is to study the public opinion of residents of the North Caucasus region (on the example of the Republic of Dagestan) on the state of social and cultural adaptation and integration of foreign citizens. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the growth of quantitative indicators of migration begins to significantly affect the ethno-social and ethno-political processes in the region and makes certain adjustments in the socio-political sphere of the republic. The main method of research is the quantitative method, i.e. a mass standardized questionnaire. The questionnaire survey was conducted taking into account the general socio-demographic characteristics of the population of the Republic of Dagestan. The content of the questionnaire is aimed at analyzing aspects of the ethnic identity of the Dagestani peoples, determining the ethno-cultural components of its reproduction, analyzing the attitude of the population of the Republic of Dagestan to the social and cultural adaptation and integration of migrants, and identifying the most effective ways to achieve this goal.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 483-500 ◽  

Reynolds et al. offer a version of interactionism based on social identity theory. Although we applaud both interactionism and the social identity approach, we suspect that the marriage the authors propose is unlikely to succeed. The core problem is that interactionism is optimized when the situation and person are on equal footing and the authors’ model weds robust situational influences to a feckless, empty self. The result is a win for the social identity approach at the cost of what may have been an important new approach to interactionism. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.


Author(s):  
Joanne R. Smith

As social animals, humans are strongly influenced by the opinions and actions of those around them. Group norms are the expectations and behaviors associated with a social group, such as a nationality, an organization, or a sports team. Group norms can emerge during group interaction as group members are exposed to the opinions, or observe the actions, of fellow group members. Group norms can also emerge by comparing the attitudes and actions of the group with other groups. Leaders can also influence what is seen to be acceptable behaviors for group members to exhibit. One of the most dominant approaches to the study of group norms is the social identity approach. The social identity approach proposes that belonging to a social group provides individuals with a definition of who one is, and a description and prescription of what is involved in being a group member. A large body of research has confirmed the power of group norms to determine the form and direction of group members’ attitudes and actions, particularly those individuals strongly attached to the group, across many behavioral domains. In thinking about group norms, it is important to recognize that norms have both prescriptive (i.e., what should be done) and descriptive (i.e., what is done) elements. Research has found that group norms are most influential when aligned, but that misaligned or conflicting norms—either within the group or across multiple groups to which an individual belongs—can be particularly harmful in terms of engagement in a desired behavior. It is critical to appreciate and understand these complexities to be able to change group norms and, therefore, group members’ actions. The insight that group norms are powerful determinants of behavior has been incorporated into behavior change interventions, including so-called “nudge” interventions. However, norms-based campaigns are not always successful, and can even lead to backlash effects, often because change agents have failed to consider identity-related processes, such as the role of leaders, the source of the influence attempt, and threats arising from attempts to change one’s group. Shared identity is a key mechanism through which people internalize (new) understandings of what it means to be a group member into the self-concept, and understanding these processes may lead to more enduring change in underlying motives, beliefs, and behavior.


2018 ◽  
pp. 181-189
Author(s):  
Andriy Martynov ◽  
Hanna Harlan

The monograph delivers a complex study of shaping the foreign policy strategy and of implementing the priorities of the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland in 1995-2005. Through utilizing a wide and diverse source material and large amount of literature, the conceptual and historical basis, the regulatory and institutional framework of the foreign policy of Poland have been investigated. Particular attention is paid to the complex implementation process of the key tasks of the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland related to its accession to the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. According to the research materials, the successful Euro-Atlantic and European integration of the Republic of Poland managed top have strengthened the position thereof on the international arena and brought peace and security to Poland. What is more, the integration has led to democratic changes in the legislative sphere, has increased its macroeconomic stability and has improved the situation in the social sphere. Special attention is paid to the East direction of the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland. In particular, the patterns and stages of the development of good neighborly relations with Ukraine have been underlined, for the latter had reached the level of strategic partnership in the investigated period. The formation of stable relations with Belarus, Lithuania and the Russian Federation has been outlined as well. The role, the problems and the prospects of the cross-border cooperation and activities of the European regions to deepen and improve their cooperation have been examined individually.


Author(s):  
А.Х. Боров ◽  
Е.Х. Апажева ◽  
Ю.М. Азикова

В условиях постсоветского политического перехода обнаружился резкий рост влияния историко-политических факторов регионального развития на Северном Кавказе. В Кабардино-Балкарии они проявили себя как во внутриреспубликанских, так и в «центр-периферийных» отношениях. Первый аспект проблемы связан преимущественно с последствиями депортации балкарского населения в 1944 г. и последующими проблемами его реабилитации. Второй аспект наиболее ярко проявился в дискуссиях о  последствиях Кавказской войны и «черкесском вопросе». В статье осуществлен сопоставительный анализ этих двух историко-политических факторов, формы и степень влияния которых на общественную ситуацию современной Кабардино-Балкарии весьма различаются. «Полная реабилитация» балкарского народа подразумевала не только символический, но и непосредственный материальный результат – закрепление за балкарским населением значительной части территориальных и властных ресурсов республики. Мыслимые результаты решения черкесского вопроса носили более отдаленный и абстрактный характер и не предполагали непосредственных изменений в лучшую сторону для кабардинского населения КБР. Требование «полной реабилитации» балкарского народа находило опору в российских и республиканских политико-правовых актах и принимало форму выполнения уже принятых решений, тогда как черкесский вопрос имел форму притязаний адыгских национальных организаций, не располагавших полномочиями и ресурсами для его решения. Реабилитация подразумевала изменения только внутренней этнополитической структуры Кабардино-Балкарской Республики, тогда как разрешение «черкесского вопроса» требовало действий на национальном и международном уровне и т.д. Но как историко-политические феномены они характеризуются сущностным единством, будучи направлены на «преодоление последствий» определенных событий прошлого путем создания особых условий для отдельных этнических групп населения сегодня. In the conditions of the Post-soviet political transition sharp rise of the influence of historically rooted political factors of regional development in the North Caucasus became visible. In Kabardino-Balkaria they manifested themselves in intra-republican as well as in “center-periphery” relations. The first aspect of the problem was related to the consequences of deportation of the Balkar population in 1944 and the problems of their subsequent rehabilitation. The second one most saliently revealed itself in the discussions of the Caucasian war aftermath and of the so called “Circassian question”. The article presents comparative analysis of these two historically rooted political factors that essentially differed in the forms and intensity of their influence on the social situation in modern Kabardino-Balkaria. “Complete rehabilitation” of the Balkar people implied not only symbolic but also immediate material result – securing for the Balkar population the meaningful share of territorial and power resources of the republic. Eventual outcomes of the Circassian question’s solution were more far away and abstract and did not imply immediate improvement of the KBR Kabardin population’s condition. Demand of “complete rehabilitation” of the Balkar people was based on Russia’s and Kabardino-Balkar republic’s political and legal acts and took the form of realizing of the decisions already made, while “Circassian question” represented a set o claims by the Adyghe national organizations devoid of powers and resources to implement them. Rehabilitation was meant to change only inner ethno-political structure of the Kabardino-Balkar Republic while “Circassian question” involved actions on the national and international level etc. Nevertheless they have essentially common traits being oriented at the “overcoming the consequences” of the past events by creating the special conditions for separate ethnic groups today.  


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Behringer ◽  
Kai Sassenberg ◽  
Annika Scholl

Abstract. Knowledge exchange via social media is crucial for organizational success. Yet, many employees only read others’ contributions without actively contributing their knowledge. We thus examined predictors of the willingness to contribute knowledge. Applying social identity theory and expectancy theory to knowledge exchange, we investigated the interplay of users’ identification with their organization and perceived usefulness of a social media tool. In two studies, identification facilitated users’ willingness to contribute knowledge – provided that the social media tool seemed useful (vs. not-useful). Interestingly, identification also raised the importance of acquiring knowledge collectively, which could in turn compensate for low usefulness of the tool. Hence, considering both social and media factors is crucial to enhance employees’ willingness to share knowledge via social media.


Author(s):  
ROY PORTER

The physician George Hoggart Toulmin (1754–1817) propounded his theory of the Earth in a number of works beginning with The antiquity and duration of the world (1780) and ending with his The eternity of the universe (1789). It bore many resemblances to James Hutton's "Theory of the Earth" (1788) in stressing the uniformity of Nature, the gradual destruction and recreation of the continents and the unfathomable age of the Earth. In Toulmin's view, the progress of the proper theory of the Earth and of political advancement were inseparable from each other. For he analysed the commonly accepted geological ideas of his day (which postulated that the Earth had been created at no great distance of time by God; that God had intervened in Earth history on occasions like the Deluge to punish man; and that all Nature had been fabricated by God to serve man) and argued they were symptomatic of a society trapped in ignorance and superstition, and held down by priestcraft and political tyranny. In this respect he shared the outlook of the more radical figures of the French Enlightenment such as Helvétius and the Baron d'Holbach. He believed that the advance of freedom and knowledge would bring about improved understanding of the history and nature of the Earth, as a consequence of which Man would better understand the terms of his own existence, and learn to live in peace, harmony and civilization. Yet Toulmin's hopes were tempered by his naturalistic view of the history of the Earth and of Man. For Time destroyed everything — continents and civilizations. The fundamental law of things was cyclicality not progress. This latent political conservatism and pessimism became explicit in Toulmin's volume of verse, Illustration of affection, published posthumously in 1819. In those poems he signalled his disapproval of the French Revolution and of Napoleonic imperialism. He now argued that all was for the best in the social order, and he abandoned his own earlier atheistic religious radicalism, now subscribing to a more Christian view of God. Toulmin's earlier geological views had run into considerable opposition from orthodox religious elements. They were largely ignored by the geological community in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century Britain, but were revived and reprinted by lower class radicals such as Richard Carlile. This paper is to be published in the American journal, The Journal for the History of Ideas in 1978 (in press).


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-99
Author(s):  
Olesia Rozovyk

This article, based on archival documents, reveals resettlement processes in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1932–34, which were conditioned by the repressive policy of the Soviet power. The process of resettlement into those regions of the Soviet Ukraine where the population died from hunger most, and which was approved by the authorities, is described in detail. It is noted that about 90,000 people moved from the northern oblasts of the Ukrainian SSR to the southern part of the republic. About 127,000 people arrived in Soviet Ukraine from the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) and the western oblasts of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The material conditions of their residence and the reasons for the return of settlers to their previous places of inhabitance are described. I conclude that the resettlement policy of the authorities during 1932–34 changed the social and national composition of the eastern and southern oblasts of Ukraine.


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