scholarly journals WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?A Report of Learnings from We Can’t Go Back: A Video Interview Series Focused on Anti-Racism in Arts & Cultural Education

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
André Solomon

From August to December 2020, the Teaching Artistry with Courtney J. Boddie podcast and Creative Generation collaborated with twenty-two inspiring Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) artists, educators, and community activists through the “We Can’t Go Back.” The interviews aggregated leadership strategies, educational tools, and an archive of the stories of BIPOC professionals whose work took action - inspired by the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and other countless victims at the hands of police - to further community understanding, counteract White Supremacy, and disassemble anti-Blackness in cultural and educational systems. This cumulative report highlights the many anti-racist, liberatory, and intersectional feminist practices, strategies, and fundamental shifts in arts and cultural work – both pedagogical and institutional – to reimagine a future to which the arts education field may move toward. Readers are invited to pause and reflect on the question: If we can't go back, where do we go from here?

2021 ◽  
pp. 003465432110608
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bettini ◽  
Christopher J. Cormier ◽  
Maalavika Ragunathan ◽  
Kristabel Stark

A robust body of U.S.-based research demonstrates the importance of teachers of color to promote positive outcomes among students of color, and recent policies aim to increase the proportion of teachers of color. These policies are unlikely to succeed if they ignore how educational systems currently marginalize teachers of color, particularly early in teachers’ careers, when they are more likely to leave. Thus, we conducted a systematic narrative review of the experiences of novice teachers of color in K–12 schools. We identified 72 relevant studies, from 1996 to the present, and qualitatively analyzed themes within them. We found that novices’ experiences of their socialization into K–12 educational institutions were deeply racialized, through their interactions with every aspect of K–12 educational systems. Novices’ experiences often placed them in a double bind, as they experienced tensions between their personal commitments as people of color and their professional commitments in schools that perpetuated oppressive systems. Welcoming novice teachers of color into K–12 schools thus necessitates broader efforts to dismantle the many ways oppressive systems are embedded within and perpetuated by schools—efforts to which novice teachers of color can contribute, but for which they should not bear sole responsibility.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-277
Author(s):  
Waqar Ahmad

The conference Islam in a Changing Europe was held amid growingconcern about the future of Islamic and other minority conununities inEurope. The organizers, Hafiz Mirza and David Weir (both at the ManagementCentre), Waqar Ahmad, Charles Husband, and Reg Walker (Departmentof Social and Economic Studies), regarded it as opportune forseveral reasons. First, the Gulf War, the tragic situation in Bosnia, and thecontinuing crises throughout Europe and the Middle East are grim buttimely reminders of the tensions pervading European and Islamic relations,despite strong political, social, and economic ties of mutual interest.The impact on European Muslims is of particular concern, as they are thelarge t minority in Europe and thus primary targets of the "new" racism.Second, this precarious position is further affected by the EuropeanCommunity's pursuit of a Single European Market and, ultimately, a unifiedpolity. The large Islamic communities in the EC, the geographicalproximity of the Islamic world, and the "demonization" of Islam in thewe tern media and political imagination rai e the specter of "Europeanness"being defined in contradistinction to "Islam." Rising fasci t attackson minority conununities throughout Europe are the harbinger of dimgersthat must be understood and addressed now. Moreover, these attacks aremerely the overt manifestations of underlying social change in Europe.The implications for Muslims in Europe need to be examined, as they arcpotentially more invidious because of their subtle and subliminal impact.Finally, and symbolically, in marked contrast to the triumphalist celebrationsin Spain and elsewhere, and a a warning that today's racist andfascist attacks on "non-Europeans" have deep-rooted historical antecedents,it is worth recalling that 1992 is also the five-hundredth anniversaryof the European invasion of the Americas, the expulsion of theJews from Spain, and the extinction of the Muslim kingdom of Granada.In sum, the organizers opined that the position of all minorities willbe thrown into harp relief by the European quest for identity as the majoritycultures of the EC (and further afield) seek to integrate. Islamwould perforce act as the "Other" for a variety of reasons. The focus onIslam was not intended to suggest that the consequences of ongoing276 The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 102events in Europe for other minorities were insignificant, but that Islambeingon the front line, as it were-could be treated as a metaphor for theserious predicament of all minorities in a changing Europe. With the helpof a contribution of six thousand pounds sterling from CCETSW (theCentral Council for Education and Training in Social Work), the conferencewas convened to examine the many issues relating to "Islam in aChanging Europe" at both the conceptual and the concrete levels.The conference took place over three days. The fitst day looked atbroader conceptual and historical issues, including "The Other as Islam,""Muslim Communities of Europe," and "citizenship and Participation."FolIowing an initial address by Cllr. Mohammed Ajeeb (Deputy Leaderof Bradford Council), the discussion was initiated by five papers: YasminAlibhai-Brown, "Islam in a Changing Europe: Issues of Citizenship andParticipation"; Noshaba Hussain, "Islam in a Changing Europe: An AlternativePerspective"; Hafiz Mim, "Some Reflections on the EuropeanPerimeter"; Haleh Afshar, "Identity Ascribed and Adopted: The Dilemmaof Muslim Women in Europe"; and Ali Hussein, "Culture, Faith and PoliticalIdeology: Islam in an International Context."The second day was devoted to more concrete case studies: education(initiated by Moeen Yaseen's "Islam and the Educational Systems ofEurope," with David Weir acting as discussant); immigration (PaulGordon, "Islam as Europe's Other: Restrictive Immigration Policy as aResponse to the Muslim Presence," with S. I. Ananthakrishan as the discussant);gender and social policy (Sitara Khan, "Muslim Women inBritain: The Lessons of Experience"); and social welfare (Charles Husbandand Waqar Ahmad, "Religious Identity, Welfare and Citizenship:The Case of Muslims in Britain," with David Divine as the discussant).The final day examined practical strategies relating to specific areasof concern via a series of workshops, including ones on education (convener:Abdul Mabud); women (Noshaba Hussain); and participation(Mansur Ansari). In addition, to round off the conference, two views onMuslim futures were presented by Ishtiaq Ahmad and Zaki Badawi.The whole conference was characterized by a forthright openness.Participants disagreed explicitly and at length, and the invited speakerspresented analyses that were partisan and undiluted by euphemism. Yetwhile the discussions were robust and many different positions werevigorously asserted and defended, there was an exceptional lack of personalanimosity. There was a very real sense of dialogue between the participantsand a commitment to sharing both analyses and experience.The mixture of Islamic scholars, community activists, academics, andother interested individuals, as well as of Muslims and non-Muslims,proved to be an important ingredient in facilitating the successful exchangeof perspectives. What may be incapable of retrieval in the bookthat is planned to follow up the conference will be the atmosphere of ...


Author(s):  
Mitch Kachun

The Conclusion ties together the book’s main arguments about Crispus Attucks’s place in American history and memory. We do not know enough about his experiences, associations, or motives before or during the Boston Massacre to conclude with certainty that Attucks should be considered a hero and patriot. But his presence in that mob on March 5, 1770, embodies the diversity of colonial America and the active participation of workers and people of color in the public life of the Revolutionary era. The strong likelihood that Attucks was a former slave who claimed his own freedom and carved out a life for himself in the colonial Atlantic world adds to his story’s historical significance. The lived realities of Crispus Attucks and the many other men and women like him must be a part of Americans’ understanding of the nation’s founding generations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 233264922110184
Author(s):  
Pawan Dhingra

Discussions of white supremacy focus on patterns of whites’ stature over people of color across institutions. When a minority group achieves more than whites, it is not studied through the lens of white supremacy. For example, arguments of white supremacy in K-12 schools focus on the disfranchisement of African Americans and Latinxs. Discussions of high-achieving Asian American students have not been framed as such and, in fact, can be used to argue against the existence of white privilege. This article explains why this conception is false. White supremacy can be active even when people of color achieve more than whites. Drawing from interviews and observations of mostly white educators in Boston suburbs that have a significant presence of Asian American students, I demonstrate that even when Asian Americans outcompete whites in schools, white supremacy is active through two means. First, Asian Americans are applauded in ways that fit a model minority stereotype and frame other groups as not working hard enough. Second and more significantly, Asian Americans encounter anti-Asian stereotypes and are told to assimilate into the model of white educators. This treatment is institutionalized within the school system through educators’ practices and attitudes. These findings somewhat support but mostly contrast the notion of “honorary whiteness,” for they show that high-achieving minorities are not just tools of white supremacy toward other people of color but also targets of it themselves. Understanding how high-achieving minorities experience institutionalized racism demonstrates the far reach of white supremacy.


1998 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 923-926
Author(s):  
David L. Crawford

There is no question that relatively small telescopes are powerful tools for astronomy, just as they always have been. With the new detectors and full usage of computers, they have become even more powerful, enabling us to do with a one-meter aperture telescope today more than 4-meter or 5-meter telescopes could do only a few decades ago. And the small ones cost a lot less to build and operate than the large ones. As such, small telescopes are the main hope for observing time for the many astronomers worldwide who need them as part of their research (or educational) tools. They can make a major impact on many areas of research and will be of great value for scientific education as well. Astronomy is very interesting to students and to the general public, not just to astronomers. Furthermore, most areas of astronomical research are data poor and more telescopes are needed to effectively attack the problems. Only a very few of us have adequate telescope time for our research or educational needs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 227-249
Author(s):  
Deborah A. Harris ◽  
Rachel Romero

Austin, TX, was the site of a three-year debate between urban farmers and their supporters and local community activists about how to rewrite an outdated farm code. There was tremendous animosity between the two groups and, despite efforts at mediation, the two sides were unable to reach compromise. To understand more about how these two groups came into conflict, we interviewed 26 local stakeholders about their views and experiences during the farm code debate and found that issues of race and racial inequality were a key factor in the continuing mistrust. We found that farmers and their supporters attempted to frame the debate and its racial undertones by highlighting their racial–ethnic minority supporters, describing their businesses as reclaiming East Austin’s agricultural past, and arguing that the only issue that should matter in redrawing the farm ordinance should be how to best help farmers provide healthy food to the community. We argue that the farmers’ responses draw from a discourse of whiteness and color blindness that can be harmful to People of Color and link their views to larger critiques that the alternative food movement and individual alternative food projects can be exclusionary.


Horizons ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-171
Author(s):  
Joseph Flipper

Recognizing that thousands of people of color have suffered the many brutalities of racism, the editorial staff of Horizons marks the somber first anniversary of the tragic murder of George Floyd (May 25, 2020) with a pedagogical roundtable considering the possibility or impossibility of teaching antiracism in colleges and universities.


Author(s):  
Sean L. Malloy

This chapter argues that the key to the theory and practice of the Black Panther Party (BPP) during its early years was an understanding of urban black neighborhoods as colonized spaces that needed to be liberated before African Americans could truly be free. Drawing from Frantz Fanon, Mao Zedong, Che Guevara, and pioneering black internationalists such as Malcolm X and Robert F. Williams, the Panthers embraced a form of revolutionary nationalism that posited the dire conditions facing black Oaklanders as part of a worldwide system of oppression linked to capitalism and white supremacy. In doing so, the BPP's founders built directly on their experiences with other organizations, particularly the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM), as well as lessons drawn from the daily lives of people of color in the Bay Area.


Author(s):  
Fred Carroll

The United States' entry into World War II led the federal government to renew its surveillance and censorship of black journalists who struck at segregation in wartime. Simultaneously, the white press dismissed black reporters for failing to uphold the doctrine of objectivity. National black newspapers reconciled black protest and white scrutiny by forsaking explicit textual radicalism for a more coded militancy, as illustrated by the “Double V” campaign. Black war correspondents – including Edgar Rouzeau, Deton "Jack" Brooks, Roi Ottley, and George Padmore – praised black troops for their patriotism and sacrifice but also explained how white supremacy structured the lives of people of color elsewhere in the world. By the war's end, black journalists had achieved an uneasy détente with federal officials and white journalists.


2020 ◽  
pp. 236-264
Author(s):  
Ilan Kapoor

This chapter explores racist enjoyments and fantasies of international development. The small size of the literature on racism in international development is revealing of the relative silence on the issue in this field. There is repeated exclamation in this same literature about such silence, yet with nary a reference to the unconscious. What appears to be missing is precisely a psychoanalytic understanding of this silence. Although scholars underline a general reticence in talking about racism in development, they proceed to speak about it even so, pointing out the many ways in which it manifests. Yet it seems difficult to understand how racism can be both denied and furtively confessed without recourse to the notion of the unconscious. In fact, “a silence that nonetheless speaks” is the very psychoanalytic definition of the unconscious. Moreover, what remains unexplained is why such racism cannot be publicly or “officially” uttered. Could it be because the racism that supports development is obscene? Is it because development is sustained, willy-nilly, by alluring (unconscious) fantasies of domination and white supremacy, with the result that people actually enjoy racism? Is this why racism cannot be easily admitted (or eliminated)?


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