scholarly journals Definite Spans and Blocking in Classifier Languages

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Jenks
Keyword(s):  
Classifier Languages

scholarly journals NP/DP Parameter and Classifier Languages: A Case of Magahi

2020 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 2050005
Author(s):  
CHANDAN KUMAR
Keyword(s):  
Functional Projection ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Extended Projection

The paper presents the structural evidence for the existence of DP in the article-less language, Magahi. Article-less languages can be divided into two types: class languages and non-class languages. Most of the debate surrounding the treatment of article-less languages as DP/NP languages see only the binary distinction (article and non-article languages). In this paper, it is argued that the class-languages present richer structural evidences for the presence of the functional projection above NP. Along with presenting few structural evidences against the generalization presented by Bošković (2005), language-independent motivation for the functional projection like DP is also discussed. It is also argued that merit of the projection of the DP is also semantically justified. The argument that there can be various functional projections in the extended projection of NP weakens the strongest claim that article-less languages lack DP.

Multiple facets of constructional Arabic gender and ‘functional universalism’ in the DP

2018 ◽  
pp. 67-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdelkader Fassi Fehri
Keyword(s):  
South Asian ◽  
Speech Act ◽  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
Nominal Property ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Or Groups

Rather than being confined to an intrinsic nominal property (of the low n), and expressing sex or animacy, gender is shown to be polysemous, contributing ‘unorthodox’ meanings such as quantity, perspective, evaluation, performativity, and interacting with various layers and categories in the nominal domain. It is then constructional, and distributed over the various syntactic projections, including RootP, nP, DivP, GroupP, and SAP (Speech Act Phrase). Appealing to data from Arabic varieties shows that gender plays the same role played by classifiers in South Asian classifier languages. Two alternating (and equivalent) modes of unitization are used in forming individual units or groups: (a) morphological gender builds singulatives or pluratives, and (b) pseudo-partitives contribute semi-lexical classifier structures. Close interactions between gender, classifier, and number (in addition to other interactions) make it difficult to account for linguistic variation through traditional typologies, and open the room for a more appropriate ‘functional universalism’.

Variation in Classifier Languages

2020 ◽  
pp. 255-305
Author(s):  
Li Julie Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Linguistic Variation ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Bare Nouns ◽  
Bare Nominal ◽  
The One ◽  
Numeral Classifier ◽  
Nominal Arguments

Chapter 5 develops a uniform account of bare nominal arguments (i.e., bare numeral classifier phrases, bare classifier phrases, bare nouns) in classifier languages. It achieves that by extending the scope of discussion to more classifier languages. It starts with three points on which Mandarin and Nuosu Yi differ and which make this comparison interesting from the perspective of building a theory of cross-linguistic variation. Their differences are: (i) whether or not they have the function category D in their grammar, (ii) whether or not they freely allow numeral-less classifier phrases to appear in argument positions, as a result of applying covert argument formation operations unrestrictedly, and (iii) whether or not they allow one-deletion from the [one Cl N] phrase in the PF. Three parameters based on these differences account for the variation.

A Classifier Language with D

2020 ◽  
pp. 213-252
Author(s):  
Li Julie Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Mapping Hypothesis

Chapter 4 analyzes argument formation in Nuosu Yi, a language that is typologically unusual in having classifiers as well as a definite determiner. Also unusual is the fact that its demonstratives do not combine directly with nouns but require the mediation of classifiers. Properties such as these are shown to challenge accounts of argument formation developed in Chapters 2 and 3. In particular, the discovery of a classifier language with an overt determiner may seem to tilt the balance in favor of the Universal DP Hypothesis and also disprove Chierchia’s (1998b) Nominal Mapping Hypothesis adopted in Chapters 2 and 3. However, this chapter argues that the opposite is the case. It proposes a modification of Chierchia’s (1998b) framework, which accounts for why classifier languages with overt Ds are possible but rare and also allows us to make further predictions about classifier languages.

Left is right, right is not

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
One-Soon Her ◽  
Hui-Chin Tsai
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
Diachronic Syntax ◽  
Branching Structures ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Fresh Perspective ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
And Mathematics ◽  
The Right

Abstract This paper argues for the left-branching constituency of the Chinese classifier phrase and demonstrates that the right-branching approach assumed by the majority of current syntactic works is not viable. The rejection of the right-branching approach entails the rejection of the “split” approach, where both left- and right-branching structures are required. In this debate, we offer a vital fresh perspective from the syntax and mathematics of complex numerals. We examine the right-branching argumentation in A. Li (2014), which, crucially, extends Ionin & Matushansky’s (2006) non-constituent account of complex numerals, e.g. two hundred, in non-classifier languages like English to Chinese and must rely on ellipsis and a silent element YIDIAR ‘a bit’. Yet, complex numerals in Chinese, e.g. liang bai ‘200’, are in fact constituents (He 2015), and the alleged YIDIAR ‘a bit’ does affect the semantics of the noun phrase and is thus by definition illicit (Her & Tsai 2014; 2015). Other evidence comes from Chinese synchronic and diachronic syntax as well as the typology of classifier word orders. While the overall argumentation centers on Chinese, it has significant cross-linguistic implications.

Nominal Arguments and Language Variation

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Li Julie Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Investigation ◽  
Empirical Data ◽  
Language Variation ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
Prima Facie ◽  
Number Marking ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Numeral Classifier ◽  
Nominal Arguments

This book investigates nominal arguments in classifier languages. A long-held claim is that classifier languages do not have overt article determiners (D). This book, however, brings to the forefront the theoretical investigation on the typologically unique Nuosu Yi, a classifier language that will be shown to have an overt article determiner. By comparing nominal arguments in Nuosu Yi to those in Mandarin, the book provides a parametric account of variation among classifier languages and extends the account to argument formation in general. This book begins with a detailed examination of bare numeral classifier phrases in Mandarin by comparing them with bare numeral noun phrases in number marking languages, such as English, French, and Russian. The book argues for a unified structure of bare numeral containing phrases with no reference to D across languages as well as for a D-less structure for various types of nominal arguments in Mandarin. It further studies nominal argument formation in Nuosu Yi. The facts from Nuosu Yi essentially alter the landscape of empirical data and constitute an immediate (prima facie) challenge to the proposed analysis of nominal arguments based on the Mandarin data. This book argues that despite the fact that Nuosu Yi has an overt article determiner, this should not force us to change anything about the proposed analysis of nominal arguments. Lastly, the book puts the analysis of Mandarin and Nuosu Yi nominal arguments in a broader, cross-linguistic perspective and develops a parametric account of variation in nominal argument formation in general.

The Place of Classifiers in the History of Linguistics

2014 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Kilarski
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Grammatical Gender ◽  
Limited Attention ◽  
Western Tradition ◽  
Linguistic Structure ◽  
Grammatical Categories ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
History Of Linguistics ◽  
History Of

Summary This article examines the approaches to classifiers within the Western tradition, ranging from the earliest accounts of the languages of Mesoamerica and East Asia from the 16th-17th centuries to ongoing discussions regarding their semantic motivation and functionality. I show that in spite of the limited attention they attracted before the 1970s, classifiers have played an important role in discussions concerning such notions as the functions of grammatical categories, the distinction between grammar and lexicon as well as the cognitive and cultural correlates of linguistic structure. In addition, I attribute common assumptions about classifiers to projections of typical properties of grammatical gender and, more generally, semantic and morphosyntactic properties of non-classifier languages.

Numeral base, numeral classifier, and noun

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-556
Author(s):  
Marc Allassonnière-Tang ◽  
One-Soon Her
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Language Contact ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Detailed Statistical Analysis ◽  
Numeral Classifier ◽  
Main Factor

Abstract Greenberg (1990a: 292) suggests that classifiers (clf) and numeral bases tend to harmonize in word order, i.e. a numeral (Num) with a base-final [n base] order appears in a clf-final [Num clf] order, e.g. in Mandarin Chinese, san1-bai3 (three hundred) ‘300’ and san1 zhi1 gou3 (three clf animal dog) ‘three dogs’, and a base-initial [base n] Num appears in a clf-initial [clf Num] order, e.g. in Kilivila (Eastern Malayo-Polynesian, Oceanic), akatu-tolu (hundred three) ‘300’ and na-tolu yena (clf animal-three fish) ‘three fish’. In non-classifier languages, base and noun (N) tend to harmonize in word order. We propose that harmonization between clf and N should also obtain. A detailed statistical analysis of a geographically and phylogenetically weighted set of 400 languages shows that the harmonization of word order between numeral bases, classifiers, and nouns is statistically highly significant, as only 8.25% (33/400) of the languages display violations, which are mostly located at the meeting points between head-final and head-initial languages, indicating that language contact is the main factor in the violations to the probabilistic universals.

Plurality and definiteness in Chengdu Chinese

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 652-684
Author(s):  
Jiajuan Xiong ◽  
Chu-Ren Huang
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Upward Movement ◽  
Nominal Phrase ◽  
Mass Nouns ◽  
Classifier Languages ◽  
Definiteness Effect

Abstract The authors identify a plural marker -ɕiɛ in Chengdu Chinese that can apply to both count and mass nouns, encoding plurality as well as definiteness. This post-nominal -ɕiɛ differs from the pre-nominal ɕiɛ, as the latter is purely plural but not inherently definite. Our analysis shows that the pre-nominal ɕiɛ functions as a quantifier, which occupies the [Spec, NumP] position, whereas the suffixal -ɕiɛ, by virtue of being a plural marker, is base-generated in the Num0 position and move to D0 to encode both plurality and definiteness. Moreover, the two ɕiɛs can co-occur in one and the same nominal phrase, exhibiting the double definiteness effect. The syntactic analysis of ɕiɛ in Chengdu Chinese, coupled with the study of di in Cantonese, has theoretical impacts on nominal phrase structures, in particular, on “plurality” and “definiteness”. First, plural markers in classifier languages contrast with those in number languages, as the former, but not the latter, defies numerical modification. Second, definiteness can be expressed by a non-D element, which may check its [+def] feature either by undergoing an upward movement to D (or [Spec, DP]) or by agreeing with the [+def] feature of a demonstrative. Third, the DP-NP distinction is strongly supported by our account of Chengdu Chinese.

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