Location and analysis of emergency management Points of Distributions for Hurricane Ike

2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. 65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher A. Chung, PhD ◽  
Charles E. Donaghey, PhD

On September 13, 2008, Hurricane Ike caused massive destruction along the Gulf Coast of the United States. In response to subsistence shortages caused by infrastructure damage, government officials opened 26 Points of Distributions (PODs) to distribute food, water, and ice. To analyze the accessibility of these PODs, a Microsoft Windows software program POD Locator was developed by the researchers. This program calculated the average distance of each area residents’ home location to the closest of the 26 PODs to be 6.41 miles. In comparison, POD Locator identified an alternative set of 26 PODs with an average distance of 3.71 miles for an average reduction in travel of 46 percent. POD Locator also identified the fact that similar performance to the actual 26 PODs was achievable with only 10 PODs.

2007 ◽  
Vol 5 (6) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brendan Patrick Gill

During the onslaught of hurricane Katrina on the gulf coast of the United States in August 2005, local emergency planning officials, state agencies, and federal entities came together to impress upon those still left in the danger zone to evacuate. Unfortunately, more than 100,000 people remained in the danger area because of various reasons. In this piece, the author will examine Protective Action Recommendations, proper and poor risk communications, and the need for emergency management officials to keep the pulse of those that they serve.


2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-156
Author(s):  
PAUL S. REICHLER

AbstractThe Nicaragua case demonstrates the Court's competence in receiving and interpreting evidence, and in making reasoned findings of fact, even in the most complicated evidentiary context, as is often presented in cases involving use of force and armed conflict. The Court applied well-established standards for evaluating the conflicting evidence presented to it. In particular, the Court determined that greater weight should be given to statements against interest made by high-level government officials than to a state's self-serving declarations. The Court also determined that statements by disinterested witnesses with first-hand knowledge should receive greater weight than mere statements of opinion or press reports. In applying these guidelines, the Court found, correctly, that (i) the United States had used military and paramilitary force against Nicaragua both directly and indirectly, by organizing, financing, arming, and training the Contra guerrillas to attack Nicaragua; (ii) the evidence did not support a finding that the United States exercised direct control over the Contras’ day-to-day operations; and (iii) there was no evidence that Nicaragua supplied arms to guerrillas fighting against the government of El Salvador during the relevant period, or carried out an armed attack against that state. While Judge Schwebel's dissent criticized the last of these findings, in fact, the evidence fully supported the Court's conclusion. In subsequent decisions during the past 25 years, the Court has continued to rely on the approach to evidence first elaborated in the Nicaragua case and has continued to demonstrate its competence as a finder of fact, including in cases involving armed conflict (Bosnia Genocide) and complex scientific and technical issues (Pulp Mills).


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Winger

Abstract In 2016, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte pledged to radically reorient Philippine foreign policy by separating from Manila's longtime ally the United States. Yet, this vaunted break with America has failed to manifest. Joint US–Philippine military activities have continued with President Duterte even singing the praises of his American partners. To understand how this about-face in Manila occurred, I conducted a detailed analysis of the first eighteen months of the Duterte administration. Drawing on primary sources and interviews with government officials from both countries, I argue that the continued vitality of the US–Philippine alliance stems not from disenchantment with China nor personal relationship between Duterte and Trump, but rather from an underlying institutional affinity engendered over decades of defense cooperation. Specifically, institutionalized cooperation within the alliance has cultivated a strong reservoir of support for the alliance within key institutions inside the Philippine government. This case not only highlights the development of the Duterte administration but also illustrates the wider ability of alliances to weather political discord by cultivating support within national bureaucracies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosa E. Ficek

This article discusses the planning and construction of the Pan-American Highway by focusing on interactions among engineers, government officials, manufacturers, auto enthusiasts, and road promoters from the United States and Latin America. It considers how the Pan-American Highway was made by projects to extend U.S. influence in Latin America but also by Latin American nationalist and regionalist projects that put forward alternative ideas about social and cultural difference—and cooperation—across the Americas. The transnational negotiations that shaped the Pan-American Highway show how roads, as they bring people and places into contact with each other, mobilize diverse actors and projects that can transform the geography and meaning of these technologies.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (7) ◽  
pp. 149-150
Author(s):  
Attila J. Hertelendy, PhD ◽  
William L. Waugh, Jr., PhD

The change in presidential administrations in the United States promises new approaches to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. The first year of the pandemic response in the United States has been characterized by a lack of national leadership. Moreover, the message from the White House Coronavirus Task Force has been muddled at best. There have been great inconsistencies in how the States have chosen to address spreading infections and increased stress on individual Americans who are trying to protect themselves and their families. The same pattern can be found with the distribution of vaccines and management of vaccinations. Politics has often conflicted with public health concerns. The States have been left to provide personal protective equipment (PPE) to medical personnel and first responders and to formulate their own guidance for protective measures.


Author(s):  
Kenneth G. Orr

A wealth of strikingly unusual and beautiful objects of Indian manufacture were excavated from the burials of the Spiro Mound, Leflore (sic.) County, Oklahoma during 1936-37. Engraved Gulf Coast conch shells, shell beads of a dozen types, river pearls, effigy pipes, long delicately chipped flint blades, feather and textile cloths and precisely incised pottery vessels were excavated in quantities. So unusual was this material that, at the time, the archaeological science was unable to answer a host of questions which immediately arose concerning the identity of the tribe who had made the artifacts and who were buried with them. How long ago had they occupied the region? From where had they come, and where did they go? The chronological relationship of the Spiro Mound Culture to the known cultures of the United States was of particular concern to the investigators. How and where did this tribe fit into the picture of America's past?


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (sp1) ◽  
pp. 165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Carter ◽  
Paul Link ◽  
Patrick Walther ◽  
Andrew Ramey ◽  
David Stallknecht ◽  
...  

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