scholarly journals Assessment of Political Participation and Democratic Governance in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic

Author(s):  
Muhammad Fuad Othman ◽  
Victor Vincent Okpe

Generally, this study examined the state of political participation and democratic governance in Nigeria’s fourth republic. It relied mainly on descriptive qualitative research approach and secondary sources of data such as journal articles, books, reports from political parties amongst other works from scholars on politics, democracy and governance in the fourth republic. The study equally adopted the liberal democratic theory as its framework of analysis. The emerged result revealed that political participation and democratic governance in the fourth republic had not been in the favor of the populace. It further revealed negative indices against the system such as political and electoral violence, corruption, weak institutions of democracy, godfatherism, poor provision of positive leadership, poverty, inequalities, political intolerance, manipulation of electoral processes, blatant act of impunity, lawlessness, selfish interest and militarization. They have led to lack of trust on the political leaders, and by implication, remains a huge challenge against popular participation, democratic governance and consolidation. These ills are in sharp contrast with the tenets of the liberal democratic theory. Based on the above revelations, therefore, the study believes that it is pertinent that the political leadership must not only practice what is obtainable in the fourth republic constitution but must equally adhere to the doctrines of a liberal democratic system. The political system and the electoral processes must be violent free to encourage popular participation and consolidation of democracy. The citizens must also endeavor to hold their leaders accountable.

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Etebom John Monday ◽  
Odekunle Jamiu Abiola ◽  
Aminu Ridwan Adewale ◽  
Olatunji Moshood Abiodun

The roles of leaders in any given organized society are vital for the development and sustenance of such society. Leaders are expected to have a clear vision and well articulated agenda on how to ensure that followers key into this agenda using the instrument of mass mobilization and effective communication. For Nigeria getting leadership right has been a recurring debate since its independence in 1960. The country has had more of sectional leaders, self seeking and dictatorship than nationalists as leaders. Nigeria political landscape is dominated by the governing elite who share similar orientation on the need to preserve the political system for continuous perpetuation of control over the polity. This study examines the Nigerian leadership question within the framework of the elite theory. The paper analyzed the applicability of the elite theory in the face of Nigeria leadership question and its quest for development. It further examined whether the elite theory has been misapplied in solving the Nigerian challenges and made recommendations. The study found out that the elite theory is applicable in explaining the Nigerian leadership question. The study adopted both primary and secondary sources of data. The data collected were analyzed using content analysis and descriptive methods. The study revealed that corruptions, self serving policies, nepotism, weak institutions, constitutional abuse among others are the major problems affecting leadership in Nigeria.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 116-131
Author(s):  
Kwaku B. ◽  
Isaac B.

Generally, it is often said that change is the only constant thing in the world. In other words, as time changes, people’s ways of doing things equally changes. This paper seeks to compare the political culture of first century Palestine (in which Jesus lived and ministered) to the political culture of contemporary Ghana. To this end, the study compares and contrasts the reign of Herod in the first century Jerusalem with Political actors in Ghana’s Fourth Republic. It is a literature-based research that draws from both primary and secondary sources. The study found that, there is not much difference between the politics of today and that of Jesus’ day. It, therefore, makes Solomon`s statement there is nothing new under the sun still relevant today.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

In what this book boldly defines as the age of governance, citizens and other relevant and affected stakeholders are active partakers in governing Western liberal societies. This reality is out of tune with traditional sovereign perceptions of political leadership. Drawing on recent theories of interactive governance and political leadership, Eva Sørensen develops a concept of interactive political leadership that aims to capture what political leadership looks like in a society of active, anti-authoritarian, and politically competent citizens. The key message is that although interactive political leadership is no panacea, it is a step forward in developing a mature perception of what political leadership means in a democratic society with a strong participatory political culture. Hence, interactive political leadership stands out as a promising way of promoting the legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic governance by establishing a bridge between representative democracy and emergent forms of political participation, promoting political learning and accountability, strengthening the political entrepreneurship of elected politicians, and mobilizing relevant resources in society. The book develops twenty propositions that sets the agenda for a new and much-needed field of empirical research into political leadership in the age of governance.


Modern Italy ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta

Political corruption can be considered as a means by which money influences politics. In the classic studies the causes of corruption have usually been identified in the characteristics of the principal actor in the political system: the party. Samuel Huntington, in particular, has linked the development of corruption to party weakness during phases of growing political participation. Corruption spreads in those specific paths to modernization in which popular participation in political decision-making is not immediately accompanied by a strengthening of those institutions, such as political parties, which should filter and direct collective demands: ‘the weaker and less accepted the political parties, the greater the likelihood of corruption’.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 805-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cathy J. Cohen ◽  
Matthew D. Luttig

What is political knowledge? We argue that the traditional measure of political knowledge is limited, as it represents one domain of facts that people should know about American politics. This domain of knowledge is rooted in the liberal-democratic face of the state and neglects other political knowledge generated from the carceral face of the state. We argue that knowledge of carceral violence, especially against African Americans, represents a separate domain of knowledge that is particularly relevant to marginalized communities, especially black youth. Once we include carceral violence in our measures of political knowledge, established patterns of whites having more political knowledge than Blacks are reversed. Using a novel measurement strategy and based on a nationally representative survey of over 2,000 young people, we find that knowledge of carceral violence is distinct from measures of what has been called general political knowledge. Finally, we find that knowledge of carceral violence has distinct correlates from the standard knowledge battery and its relationship to political participation varies by racial group but tends to depress the political participation of African Americans. Our findings raise the question of what comprises relevant and important political knowledge today and for which communities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (9) ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Godwin Ihemeje

<p>Nigeria is known for recognizing and rewarding veritable achievements of her women in different endeavors. Despite their high demonstration of patriotism, the paper argues that attention given to women’s political rights is inadequate in Nigeria’s fourth democratic republic; resulting to low political participation and poor electoral outcome. This paper relies heavily on secondary sources of data collection and conduct of comparative analysis. It identifies factors influencing low political participation among, and concludes that if those low influencing factors are not effectively addressed, it could weaken their sense of national patriotism in the long run.</p>


Author(s):  
Mike Kwanashie

Nigeria has experienced in the past few years the impact of an articulate and a coherent reform policy. Despite progress made there is evidence that the neoliberal paradigm behind the reforms faces major challenges which a country like Nigeria must tackle if it is to sustain the fruits of reforms. Reforms to have sustainable . impacts must be broad based in its articulation, and relevant to the society it tries to change. There is skepticism that liberal democratic institutions in a dependent and peripheral capitalist economy like ours would deliver pro-poor policies in the absence of effective popular participation. The country has demonstrated the political will to drive and sustain reforms for growth and development. However the country is challenged to sustain the current reform programme to ensure that the gains made so far are consolidated.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 457-471
Author(s):  
Kwame Asamoah

Ghana entered into the Fourth Republic in 1993 after experiencing political instability over two decades. A defining feature that has characterized the Fourth Republic of Ghana and marred Ghana’s democratic credentials is the emergence of political vigilantism. Political vigilantism has basically been perpetuated by the two leading political parties in Ghana: the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress. The major political actors in the political system of Ghana continue to express the debilitating effects of political vigilantism on Ghana’s democratic advancement, nevertheless, it continues to persist in monumental proportion in our political dispensation. Using a qualitative research approach, the paper examines the factors responsible for the pervasiveness of political vigilantism under the Fourth Republic of Ghana and proffer some plausible solutions to address this political canker.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-67
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Lanphier ◽  

I propose a revisionary reading of Plato’s Crito focusing on the dramatic rendering of the friendship between Crito and Socrates, which I argue affords a model for political participation in a social contract. Their friendship models how citizens can come to be conventionally related to one another, and how they should treat one another internal to that relationship. This approach is apt for contemporary democratic theory, perhaps more so than standard interpretations of the political theory traditionally mined from the text, rather than drama, of the Crito. My account moves beyond questions of civility in deliberative democratic politics and deepens an account of how and why we ought to regard those with whom we disagree, but to whom we have nonetheless quasi-voluntarily bound ourselves within the same project of democracy. Friendship also addresses regard for those who have not previously received equal consideration within a putatively democratic social contract.


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