scholarly journals The Emergence and Evolution of Palestinian Nationalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Anis Salem Zaki

The study analyses \on the questions of the interrelation between religion and nationality relate to the interpretations of justice vis-a-vis the Palestinian predicament. The paper studies the 'visions of peace' and the 'visions of citizenship' articulated by groups as diverse as Peace for Human Rights. By drawing on recent scholarship which attempted to link 'peace' and 'justice' in a meaningful way, this work devises a set of dynamic criteria with which to evaluate each peace platform and its respective interpretation of justice. Challenging the modernist-secularist inclination to interpret 'nationalism' as a 'religion surrogate' or a structural analogue of religion, the underpinning theoretical point is that religion and nationalism are intricately related and thus cannot be viewed as dichotomous or antithetical. Hence, religious sources, vocabularies, institutions and leadership may function centrally in devising interpretations of culturally embedded secularity in zones of ethnonational contestations -a process which is referred to in this dissertation as the hermeneutics of citizenship. As a conclusion, a separate Palestinian nationalism took place chiefly to cater to the Zionism issue.

Author(s):  
Inam Ullah Wattoo ◽  
Yasir Farooq

This study presents a critical analysis on the charter of human rights of United Nations, as it was design to promote peace and justice in the world but unfortunately it was not come in true. So the concepts and impacts of human rights presented by UN will be examine in the light of Seerah, and to find out the reasons which caused its failure. It is historical observation that fundamental human rights are very essential for justice and peace in the world. All the peoples have equal rights in all respects. No one is allowed to disregard the rights of others on the basis of race, color and religion. Holy Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) founded the state of Yathrab and first time in the history declared the fundamental rights of human and vanished the differences based on race, color and gender. Rights for slaves, war prisoners and women were not only defined but were implemented by legal procedure in very short time. In 1948 United Nation declared a charter for human rights which proclaimed that inherent dignity and equal rights are the foundation of freedom, justice and peace of the world. This charter consist on 30 articles regarding individual and common rights of human. This charter of UN guaranteed the security of all fundamental rights of all human being. Although there are number of articles which caused uneasiness among the people of different religions such as article No. 19. Freedom of opinion and express must be observed but it should must be keep in mind that some irresponsible elements of different societies are using this for their criminal purposes as cartoon contest on Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) by Geert wilders of Holland in recent days caused huge disturbance for world peace. Whereas, the Prophet of Islām ordered the Muslim to respect the clergy of other religions even He (PBUH) halted the Muslims to abuse the idols.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Mayerfeld

Is the demand for justice likelier to cause or to prevent war? Hobbes expresses sympathy for the former view and Locke for the latter. However, they both reason their way toward an intermediate position, symbolized by the impartial judge in Locke's theory and the arbitrator in Hobbes's theory. Peace is possible when we create a process that resolves disputes according to widely intuitive principles of equality and reciprocity. This requires, however, that we refrain from imposing our particular interpretations of justice, and that we tolerate the possibility of unjust outcomes. Hobbes and Locke's reasoning shows us why international institutions are needed to serve as an impartial judge for the resolution of civil and international conflicts. They rebut persistent skepticism about the fitness of international institutions to promote peace and justice. Recent scholarship on ethno-political conflict confirms the wisdom of their analysis.


2019 ◽  

The publication collects the contributions presented during the International Symposium of the Italian UNESCO Chairs (CONIUS) entitled Human Rights and Sustainable Development Goals 2030, which took place on 16 November 2018 at the University of Florence. The contributions of national and international experts address the Global Aims for Sustainable Development of the UNESCO including Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) n. 3 Improvement of the ‘Global Health’, n. 4 ‘Quality Education’, n. 11 ‘Cities and Inclusive Human Sett lements’ and n. 16 ‘Peace and Justice’, using transdisciplinary and transnational perspectives and implemented through theoretical studies and good practices.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lina Smoum

This paper examines the situation of Palestinian refugees who have been living in Arab host countries as a result of the 1948 and 1967 Arab-Israeli wars. Although their right of return was recognized by the UN Commission on Human Rights, 7 million refugees and 450,000 internally displaced Palestinians continue to live under unfavourable conditions, constituting about seventy percent of the entire Palestinian population worldwide (10.1 million) (BADIL, n.d, para1). During the refugee experience, Palestinians have suffered from all kinds of human rights violations in different countries. However, they considered the denial of their right of return as the most significant source of grievance. The right of return has become a major political goal and mobilizing influence of Palestinian nationalism. In this paper, I will use Iraq as a case study to demonstrate the continued instability and discrimination that Palestinians face in host countries and difficulties for stable settlement in exile. The experience of Palestinian refugees in Iraq between 1948 and 2008 indicates that even in countries where Palestinian refugees had seemingly favourable conditions, changes in political climate and their lack of citizenship rights make life in exile a perilous experience. Recognizing the issue of return as a legal and political matter, I will argue in this paper that based on the Palestinian refugees’ experience in various Arab host countries, securing the right of return should also be seen as a viable humanitarian solution. In the case of Palestinian refugees from and in Iraq, the right of return should be considered an emergency measure.


2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 334-350
Author(s):  
Ronald Chipaike ◽  
Nduduzo Tshuma ◽  
Sharon Hofisi

Africa’s relationship with the International Criminal Court (ICC) has been strained over the past few years. Threats by a number of African states to withdraw from the ICC’s jurisdiction have marked a crescendo in the strained relationship. This study looks at the issues surrounding the proposed or threatened mass withdrawal by African countries and the implications for peace and justice in the African continent. Utilising interviews with a cross section of key informants including members of the African diplomatic community resident in Zimbabwe, this study highlights that it is difficult for African states to withdraw en masse since not all states are agreeable to this stance. The study further highlights that although the ICC is not a perfect institution, it is the only alternative court of last resort that can deal with human rights and international humanitarian law violations as well as impunity in the continent. The proposed African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) has not yet taken root owing to a shortage of adequate ratifications of the protocol establishing it.   Thus, although concerns of unfair targeting of African leaders and individuals by the ICC could be considered valid, African states need to find a way of establishing a cordial relationship with the ICC to ensure the protection of individual rights while they establish regional institutions to deal with cases currently being referred to the ICC.


Author(s):  
Mariam Saidona Tagoranao ◽  
Alizaman D. Gamon

Religious rights for minorities are not merely a privilege policy but an important commitment that should be acknowledged by any organization, state or nation. The contemporary legal systems of the world recognize religious rights particularly in today’s multicultural societies. This system has been acknowledged by the international law of human rights and the United Nations Conventions. Religious faith and religious practices are inherently protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Philippines. International law of human rights becomes the basis for a non-Muslim government to provide commitments in promoting spiritual and conventional infrastructures for Muslim minorities. The main objective of this paper is to discuss the national laws that can accommodate Muslim religious rights based on how Islam defines it, in order to achieve a lasting peace in the Philippines. The paper recommends that the universal principle of peace must be contained in the legal reform of every sovereign nation. In addition, religious obligations and liberties must be fairly treated and regarded as a national agenda towards promoting peace and justice.  Keywords: Religious rights, Muslim minorities, Philippine Constitution, Peace and Justice. Abstrak Hak keagamaan untuk golongan minoriti bukan sekedar dasar keistimewaan semata, tetapi merupakan suatu komitmen penting yang harus diakui oleh mana-mana organisasi, negara atau bangsa. Sistem undang-undang kontemporari di dunia mengiktiraf hak beragama, khususnya dalam masyarakat pelbagai budaya hari ini. Ia telah diakui oleh undang-undang hak asasi manusia antarabangsa dan Konvensyen Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu. Kepercayaan dan amalan keagamaan pada dasarnya dilindungi oleh perlembagaan negara. Undang-undang ini menjadi asas bagi sebuah kerajaan bukan Islam untuk memberikan komitmen dan keprihatinan dalam mempromosikan infrastruktur rohani dan konvensional bagi golongan minoriti Muslim. Objektif utama kajian ini adalah untuk mengetahui sejauh mana undang-undang negara boleh menampung hak agama Islam berdasarkan bagaimana Islam mentakrifkannya, untuk mencapai keamanan yang kekal di Filipina. Keadaan menjadi amat malang apabila makna sebenar perdamaian akhirnya terhakis akibat penyelewengan yang lazimnya berlaku dalam sistem dan amalan perundangan. Walau bagaimanapun disyorkan, bahawa prinsip sejagat kedamaian mesti terkandung dalam reformasi undang-undang bagi setiap negara berdaulat. Di samping itu, kewajipan dan kebebasan beragama mesti dilayan dengan adil dan dianggap sebagai agenda nasional untuk mempromosikan keamanan dan keadilan. Kata Kunci: Hak keagamaan, minoriti Islam, Perlembagaan Filipina, Keamanan dan Keadilan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 297-314
Author(s):  
Claire Pamment

Abstract Pakistani hijra/khwaja siras make up structured communities of feminine-identified gender-variant persons who have long but marginalized traditions of performing religious-cultural roles. Supreme Court rulings in 2009, promising rights to marginalized khwaja siras, have led to increased backlash against these performances and the community structures on which they rest. This article explores these traditional performance practices, within the Sufi shrine and in homes, as well as in explicit activism as khwaja siras contested their place in the national 2013 elections. These assertions of piety, drawn creatively from Sufi and Shi'a modes and often performed on the fringes or lower rungs of developmental activism, offer an embodied outlet for negotiating multiple axes of exclusion. While recent scholarship has claimed that in the context of reformist Islamic movements khwaja siras are turning away from the spaces of legitimacy that Sufism once offered and toward the liberal language of human rights to make claims for recognition, the author argues that these pious performances continue to provide a potent force for transgender activism in Pakistan.


2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 418-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Haykel Ben Mahfoudh

As the phenomenon of foreign fighters is taking new dimensions by the rise of autonomous terrorist groups, mainly the group calling itself ‘Islamic state’ (also known as Daesh or isil), most of these individuals are perceived as a serious security threat to the peace and justice in the world. Such security perception made current efforts to deal effectively with this complex problem confined within the existing counter-terrorism fora including the United Nations (un). The u.n. framework of Mercenaries does not seem the right venue for an effective accountability framework. Beyond the conceptual debate – whether Foreign Fighters is a new form of mercenarism – the regulatory framework offer various venues for the protection of human rights. Instead of constructing an accountability mechanism from scratch, this paper calls for the application of the dual obligation to protect and respect, which focuses on victims rights, regardless the nature, the type of the author of the crime.


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