scholarly journals Developmental State and Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia:

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-127
Author(s):  
Zekarias Beshah Abebe

The ethnic federalization of the post-1991 Ethiopia and the subsequent adoption of developmental state paradigm are the two most important pillars for the country’s political and economic restructuring. An interventionist developmental state model is opted for against the dominant narrative of the non-interventionist neo-liberal approach as the right path to conquer poverty: a source of national humiliation. On the other hand, ethnically federated Ethiopia is considered as an antidote to the historical pervasive mismanagement of the ethno-linguistic and cultural diversity of the polity. The presence of these seemingly paradoxical state models in Ethiopia makes it a captivating case study for analysis. Ethiopia’s experiment of pursuing a developmental state in a decentralized form of governance not only deviates from the prevalent pattern but also is perceived to be inherently incompatible due to the competing approaches that characterize the two systems. This article argues that the way in which the developmental state is being practiced in Ethiopia is eroding the values and the very purposes of ethnic federalism. Its centralized, elitist and authoritarian nature, which are the hallmark of the Ethiopian developmental state, defeats the positive strides that ethnic federalism aspires to achieve, thereby causing discontent and disenfranchisement among a swathe of the society. The article posits that the developmental state can and should be reinvented in a manner that goes in harmony with the ideals of ethnic federalism. The notion of process-based leadership remains one way of reinventing the Ethiopian developmental state model.  

1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 645-671 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Freeden

The issues raised by eugenics are of more than passing interest for the student of political thought. In itself a minor offshoot of turn-of-the-century socio-biological thought which never achieved ideological ‘take-off’ in terms of influence or circulation, there was certainly more in eugenics than nowadays meets the eye. The following pages propose to depart from the over-simplistic identification of eugenics, as political theory, with racism or ultra-conservatism and to offer instead two alternative modes of interpretation. On the one hand, eugenics will be portrayed as an exploratory avenue of the social-reformist tendencies of early-twentieth-century British political thought. On the other, it will serve as a case-study illustrating the complexity and overlapping which characterize most modern ideologies. While recognizing, of course, the appeal of eugenics for the ‘right’, a central question pervading the forthcoming analysis will be the attraction it had for progressives of liberal and socialist persuasions, with the ultimate aim of discovering the fundamental affinities the ‘left’ had, and may still have, with this type of thinking.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 190
Author(s):  
Novia Rianti

Space rights agreement is a part of lease agreement. Leasing is an agreement that gives a right called individual rights. It is because the right to lease arises from an agreement between one legal subject to another. Thus, this right can only be accountable to the opponent of the contract in accordance with the principle of privity of contrac. A lease agreement aims at providing the right only to use the property, and not to own it. Therefore, lease agreement only gives individual rights, not property rights. On the other hand, as we know, fiduciary provides object guarantees, which is included in constitutum possessorium (the object transferred remains within the control of the fiduciary giver). The air rights, the market stall, from the agreements of rights granting, are clearly included in individual rights, rather than property, which should not be imposed on fiduciary guarantees. This research is conducted by applying doctrinal research. It adapts statute approach, conceptual approach, and case study for its methodological problem approach. This study analyzes the market stall usage rights as an object from the perspective of security laws and Fiduciary on the usage rights upon a market stall by banks. The results of the research showed that by reviewing it further using air rights perspective, the air rights upon a market stall were included in lease rights. The right to use the stall is not property rights, but is an individual right. It is based on the law of lease rights. In addition, the debtor, as the tenant, only controls the leased objects to make use of it, not for the purpose of owning it. In that way, the lease itself does not result in property rights. However, if it is reviewed further based on the air rights, this can be categorized as an object with security laws, because the air rights fulfill the requirements as an object that can be guaranteed. It is because it has economic value and can be transferred, even though it is approved by another party. Since the air rights are individual right, it cannot be used as a guarantee for pawn, mortgage, and Fiduciary.


Author(s):  
Mariana Marques ◽  
Eduardo Moraes Sarmento

This chapter introduces a practical application of the first Sustainable Development Goal, which is “Tourism Contribution to End Poverty.” It provides a recent literature review about the theme and presents the case study of Cape Verde. Cape Verde is an archipelago with enormous tourist potential, but, on the other hand, it is a country that must deal with the poverty problem. So, it is a destination that needs to work on its sustainability, mainly to provide residents with better living conditions. It is urgent to study the main poverty challenges in Cape Verde in order to provide the right strategies. It is essential, also, to understand if tourism can help fighting local poverty. To achieve some conclusions, authors have done interviews with some local institutions as well as to several stakeholders to understand better the main issues concerning tourism challenges and its potential to deal with poverty in Cape Verde.


Author(s):  
Maria José Sousa ◽  
Francesca Dal Mas ◽  
Alexeis Garcia-Perez ◽  
Lorenzo Cobianchi

Organizations are challenged by the need to transform Dynamic Knowledge, embedded in each worker, into Static Knowledge, rooted in factual documental information. However, innovation and knowledge creation seem to be facilitated by the personal knowledge and life experiences of people, which appear to be dynamic. The tensions between Dynamic and Static Knowledge in facilitating the transfer and sharing of knowledge arise as compelling research as well as practical topic for organizations. Our paper aims to investigate such tensions by employing a case study. We decided to deepen such dynamics in the healthcare field, given its importance for business and society. In more detail, we analyzed one Emergency Room (ER) department through a series of interviews. Our findings highlight the importance of the right balance between Static and Dynamic Knowledge. On the one hand, the healthcare organization recognized the need to incorporate knowledge into practical and tangible instruments. On the other hand, the flows of Dynamic Knowledge must be fostered through a culture of knowledge translation and sharing, and the development of soft skills.


2020 ◽  
pp. 003232172091660
Author(s):  
Lala Muradova

A healthy democracy needs citizens to make reflective political judgements. Sceptics argue that reflective opinions are either nonexistent or rare. Proponents of deliberative democracy suggest that democratic deliberation is capable of prompting reflective political reasoning among people. Yet, little is known about the mechanisms underlying this relationship. This article offers a bridge between psychology and political theory and proposes a theory of perspective-taking in deliberation. It argues that under the right conditions, deliberation induces more reflective judgements by eliciting the process of perspective-taking – actively imagining others’ experiences, perspectives and feelings – in citizen deliberators. Two institutional features of deliberative forums are emphasized: the presence of a diversity of viewpoints and the interplay of fact-based rational argumentation and storytelling. I test the plausibility of this theory using a case study – the Irish Citizens’ Assembly – thereby, relying on qualitative in-depth interview data and quantitative survey data. I further substantiate my findings with a laboratory experiment.


Author(s):  
ARMINDO ARMANDO ◽  
MARLENE VANESSA MARQUES JAMAL ◽  
MARTINS MAPERA

 RESUMO O presente artigo faz uma análise crítica sobre a situação da educação de rua, em Moçambique, e sua influência no debate em torno da diversidade cultural. Todavia, entende-se que a diversidade cultural constitui uma plataforma de desenvolvimento de uma sociedade, e que o seu estímulo, de diversas formas, é uma abordagem pontual e necessária, principalmente no setor da educação. Entretanto, em Moçambique, por um lado, o Sistema Nacional de Educação dá mais ênfase a educação formal, isto é, institucionalizada, e por outro reconhece a educação informal, setor que não abrange o espaço “rua”, desta feita, ignorando completamente o direito à educação das crianças de rua. É neste âmbito que se enquadra o nosso artigo, cujo objetivo é refletir sobre a situação da educação de rua e seu impacto na promoção da diversidade cultural em Moçambique. Para o efeito, recorremos aos métodos hermenêuticos, apoiados pelas técnicas de revisão bibliográfica. Portanto, o artigo conclui que há pouca preocupação de promover a diversidade cultural por meio da educação das crianças de e na rua, pelo que o espaço “rua” é visto como de mendigos e que o direito à proteção e à educação tem sido negados através de políticas públicas que são pouco claras, razão pela qual instamos a quem de direito a sua sensibilidade.Palavras-chave: Educação de rua. Inclusão. Diversidade cultural. Moçambique. Street Social Education and the Question of Cultural Diversity: Who Cares?ABSTRACTThis article provides a critical analysis of the situation of street education in Mozambique and its influence on the debate around cultural diversity. However, it is understood that cultural diversity constitutes a platform for the development of a society, and that its encouragement, through different forms, is a punctual and necessary approach, mainly in the education sector. However, in Mozambique, on the one hand, the National Education System places more emphasis on formal, that is, institutionalized education, and on the other, it recognizes informal education, a sector that does not cover the “street” space, this time completely ignoring the right the education of street children. It is in this context that our article fits, which aims to reflect on the situation of street education and its impact on the promotion of cultural diversity in Mozambique. For this purpose, we use hermeneutic methods, supported by bibliographic review techniques. Therefore, the article concludes that there is little concern to promote cultural diversity through education in children from and on the street, so the “street” space is seen as a space for beggars and that the right to protection and education has been denied through public policies that are unclear, which is why we urge those entitled to their sensitivity.Keywords: Street education. Inclusion. Cultural diversity. Mozambique. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 38
Author(s):  
Agung Yudhistira Nugroho

<p>Ahmadiyya saga in Indonesia just like a never ending stories. Starting from the non-acceptance of them in society, violence and intimidation, pressure from Islamic organizations and the Indonesian Ulema Council. The government placed in the position of a dilemma. On one hand the government is required to protect its citizens in this regard Ahmadiyya followers are intimidated by a group or community that does not accept them, on the other hand the government must determine the manner in which the Government should disband and ban the Ahmadiyya. When the Ahmadiyya and other religious people defended using the excuse of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN Human Rights artificial precisely considered weak and unable to protect Palestinians from Israeli attacks.  From here then comes the problem of where the followers of the Ahmadiyya to be able to put themselves in a society that does not accept them, Not an easy task to find the right solution for this case. Solutions that can be offered is to address these differences by looking at the cornerstone of our country Pancasila which has a single slogan Unity in Diversity. In that case author also concern about how the the government in maintaining security for Ahmadiyya followers whom a citizen of Indonesia as well? This is what will be studied in this paper.</p><p> </p>


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene Dili Liow

Neoliberalism is often regarded as a type of economic practice advocating the primacy of the market and the rolling back of the Keynesian welfare state. Yet neoliberalism does not merely functions as economic tenets. There is also another side to it as a form of government or governmentality. This is the other less-attended to aspect of neoliberalism, and which this paper seeks to highlight. Through the example of the island-state of Singapore, neoliberalism is examined as a set of economic tenets and as a form of governmentality by considering the neoliberal political rationality that forms the basis for their existence. Once a developmental state, Singapore has undergone much structural changes to its economy in the past decade. The economy has gradually been deregulated, liberalised and privatised to conform more to the neoliberal model. However, existing interests embedded within the developmental state prevents a transition to a full-fledged neoliberal regulatory one. Instead what emerges is a type of hybrid state, in the form of the neoliberal-developmental state. It is hoped that by examining this notion of the neoliberal-developmental state, further light can be shed on neoliberalism and its impact on this tiny island-state and vice-versa.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Peter Polak-Springer

This article examines a previously un-researched aspect of nationalist politics, borderland contestation, national indifference and the politicisation of youth and cultural diplomacy in interwar Central Europe: the German–Polish ‘summer vacation exchange for children’ (Ferienkinderaustausch). The Versailles territorial settlement, which left nationalists in both countries in discontent about territories and minority groups remaining in the hands of the neighbour, formed the basis for this venture in cultural diplomacy. Each party gave the other the right to rally ‘its youth’ living on the other side of the border to travel to its ‘motherland’ for summer camp. Focusing on the case study of the heatedly contested industrial borderland of Upper Silesia, this article examines the German–Polish children's exchange on two levels. On the local level it examines how youth were rallied and transported to their ‘motherland’ for the summer and what treatment and experience they received. On the international level it explores the paradox of German–Polish cooperation and the conflict that was an inherent aspect of this venture.


Author(s):  
Allyn Fives

We should distinguish the rights parents have ‘over’ their children from the ‘right to parent’. This is the distinction between parents’ power over their children, or more precisely parents’ legitimate power over their children, on the one hand, and the right to play the role of a parent and therefore the right to raise or rear children, on the other hand. It is widely accepted that, in one sense or another, the ‘right to parent’ is conditional. That is, if adults do not satisfy certain requirements, for example the requirement of being a competent parent, society may refuse to grant the right in the first place, or the right already granted may be restricted or rescinded altogether. In this case study, I will look at three proposals concerning the conditions to be placed on the ‘right to parent’: that we should license parents, that we should monitor parents, and that we should train parents.


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