scholarly journals Yemen Crisis after 2015: The Attitudes of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (69) ◽  
pp. 717-734
Author(s):  
Seyedmohammad Seyedi Asl ◽  
Hazar Leylanoğlu ◽  
Ataollah Bahremani ◽  
Shalaleh Zabardastalamdari
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Player ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
Contradictory Behavior ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Crown Prince

In this study, using the descriptive-analytical method, we discuss the main factors in the formation of the Yemen crisis, as well as the attitudes of the two Arab states and of the two neighboring countries, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, in the Yemen crisis. It is concluded that this crisis stems not only from the role of local actors, but also from the role of regional and global actors, who played a decisive role in shaping and exacerbating the Yemen crisis. Regional players in the post-2015 crisis include the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, which showed contradictory behavior. Saudi Arabia's targets in its attack on Yemen have a greater military and security dimension. The political and economic objectives of the United Arab Emirates, which is Riyadh's most important ally in this war, have been at a different level from those of Saudi Arabia. This can be seen in Abu Dubai Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed's aspirations to expand his country's influence, to become a major player in the region.

scholarly journals The Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf: Historic Development in the Context of Modern Qatar’s Crisis

2018 ◽  
pp. 167-182
Author(s):  
V. Shved
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
Special Role ◽  
East Region ◽  
Basic Objective ◽  
Historic Development ◽  
Arab States

The article is an attempt to analyze foreign policy, security and economic preconditions of creation of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and basic beginnings of its historicaldevelopment. Its appearance became the result of internal, regional and international processes during 70-80 years of the XX century which not only created necessary objective conditions ofappearance of the above-mentioned integration organization in the Arabian peninsula but also defined its main particularities, resistance ability and vulnerable points. The 1979 Iran Islamic revolution,signing of the Camp David Accords, the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war, the USSR aggression in Afghanistan played a decisive role in the appearance of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The article researched the results and particularities of four periods in the development of the above-mentioned integration organization. The article pays special role to understanding of basic objective and subjective factors of the contemporary Qatar crisis and ways of its solving. The article also found out that the main reason that lead to the Qatar crisis was sharpening of serious acute competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the context of the Middle East region. The conclusion is made that the last 38-th summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council “freezed” for some time contemporary state of relations with Qatar, outlined principle directions of deepening of integration processes inside the Gulf Cooperation Council as well as strengthened the role of its nucleus – union of Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates.

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF SAUDI ARABIA IN THE POLITICAL-MILITARY CONFLICT IN SYRIA

2021 ◽  
pp. 1941-1944
Author(s):  
В.И. РОЗЕНБЕРГ
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Conflict

«Арабская весна» оказала существенное влияние на политику стран региона MENA. Странам пришлось внести существенные изменения в их традиционную внешнюю политику и сосредоточить свое внимание на своих соседях. Одним из ярких примеров динамики интересов и позиции в рамках внешней политики выступает Саудовская Аравия в контексте сирийского конфликта. Для оценки роли Саудовской Аравии в сирийском военно-политическом конфликте в статье рассматриваются политические отношения двух стран, интересы Королевства и его участие в конфликте, а также изменение позиции Саудовской Аравии в ходе развития конфликта.

Jihadists will slow stabilisation of Yemen's south

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The South ◽  
Content Type ◽  
State Actors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Crown Prince ◽  
Government Authority

Significance The bombing represents the latest setback to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)'s efforts to stabilise southern Yemen and reinstall the government of President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi. ISG is just one of a number of sub-state actors that have been empowered by the conflict and that will seek to challenge central government authority. Impacts Insecurity in Aden will deal a blow to the legitimacy of the Saudi-backed Hadi government. A major setback in the south will reflect badly on the reputation of Saudi Defence Minister Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Reconstruction efforts in southern Yemen will place increased long-term strain on the Saudi budget in particular. Southern Yemen could emerge as a key battleground in the rivalry between al-Qaida and ISG for leadership of the global jihad.

scholarly journals The Syrian Crisis (2011–2021): Development of Conflict

Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-21
Author(s):  
Boris Vasilyevich Dolgov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Political Force ◽  
Syrian Crisis ◽  
Syrian Arab Republic ◽  
The Media ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
External Actors

The author analyses the course of the conflict, the composition and the actions of the armed opposition. The methods of the media war against the Syrian Arab Republic are examined. The role of Russia in the suppression of ISIS and the political solution of the Syrian crisis is demonstrated. The academic novelty of the author’s approach is its focus on the new stage of the Syrian crisis in the years 2018–2021, i. e. after the downfall of ISIS. The internal situation in SAR, the activity of the Constitutional Committee, the Presidential elections in 2021 are examined and analyzed. The author concludes that after the defeat of ISIS and its affiliated radical Islamist groupings, the main factors of the conflict continuation are the external actors illegitimately presented in SAR and the armed groups under their control, as well as the Kurdish factor. The author maintains that the polit-ical solution of the Syrian crisis is possible after the transformation of the armed groups of the moderate opposition into a political force and under the condition of the territorial integrity and sover-eignty of Syria that would guarantee the free creed of all its confessions.

scholarly journals SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION AND THE CHANGING ROLE OF THE GULF STATES

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Gulf Cooperation Council ◽  
External Pressures ◽  
Analytical Perspective ◽  
Gulf States ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Changing Role

This article assesses the role of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates) in the framework of South-South Cooperation. It charts the different phases of engagement between the Gulf States and other developing countries, and the shifting dynamics that underpinned them. These phrases demonstrated profound changes that reflected policymaking calibrations in response to  domestic, regional and international catalysts. When read together, the internal and external forces that press upon the GCC States shape the analytical perspective of this article. Further, these internal and external pressures  shaped the Gulf States’ contributions to South-South Cooperation, and framed the intra-regional and international  realignments within which GCC  engagements took place.

Saudi Arabia and Israel: the Palestinian Context

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-69
Author(s):  
G. Kosach
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Regional Policy ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Crown Prince

The article examines the issues related to the change in the Saudi Arabia’s policy towards Israel in the context of Riyadh’s approaches to solving the Palestinian problem. The author emphasizes that the positive dynamics taking place in the evolution of Saudi-Israeli interaction in recent years is determined by the intra-Saudi socio-economic and political transformation, including changes in public opinion regarding Israel, as well as significant shifts in the development of the Middle East regional situation, inter alia those proclaimed by the United Arab Emirates (as well as Bahrain) heading towards a settlement with Israel. At the same time, the emergence of a tendency to support the course towards normalizing relations with Israel in the context of the current Saudi internal political situation also marked a public demarcation in relation to initiatives to support the Crown Prince. If his supporters act, among other things, as supporters of normalization, then opponents see contacts with the Jewish state as “a betrayal of Arab national interests”. Noting that the current Saudi-Israeli rapprochement is largely determined by a joint interest in confronting Iran, the author, nevertheless, sees the most important reason for the continuing Saudi unwillingness to normalize relations with the Jewish state in the unresolved Palestinian problem on the basis of the “two states” principle. At the same time, the author believes that this principle itself is an instrument of Saudi foreign policy, thanks to which Riyadh seeks to exclude the possibility of Israeli hegemony in the future post-confrontational Middle East. This means, in particular, that the achievement of mutual understanding will become a reality only if the Israeli regional policy is adjusted so as not to pose a threat to Saudi interests.

The New Populist Nationalism

The Son King ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 139-182
Author(s):  
Madawi Al-Rasheed
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Nationalism ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
Crown Prince

This chapter discusses the political shift in Saudi Arabia from religious nationalism and pan-Islamism—which played a central role in the consolidation of the Saudi state—to populist nationalism under the new crown prince. The shift is explained as part of the rise of the personality cult of Muhammad ibn Salman.

Multinational Mujahidin

2018 ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
Don Rassler
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
South Asia ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Institutional Factors ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
Comparative Dynamics

Don Rassler’s chapter documents the contemporary knowledge of the Haqqani network in the context of its establishment and early infrastructure development, especially in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia. In looking at this yet another transnational jihadi network between South Asia and the Gulf born during the anti-Soviet jihad, the chapter revolves around mujahidin commander Jalaluddin Haqqani and his ties to the two countries. Tracing the comparative dynamics and evolution of these ties, the chapter sketches the development of the Haqqani network in both countries highlighting the importance of the role of religious and private social networks. It emphasizes on the greater importance of institutional factors in the case of the UAE as well as the ambiguous approach of the Saudi establishment towards Haqqani.

The Origins of the Protest Movement Against Ethnic Hierarchy

2018 ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Gilles Riaux
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Cultural Capital ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Political System ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Resource Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Revolutionary Period

This chapter looks at the central role of entrepreneurs of mobilization. The study of different routes taken by entrepreneurs of the Azerbaijani cause has proven helpful when attempting to understand the genesis of the cause. These actors play a crucial role in the initiation and development of the movement, restructuring it throughout the revolutionary period and working toward the subversion of ethnic ranking. Indeed, resource mobilization highlights the decisive role played by intellectual figures from the educated middle classes. Based on their cultural and social capital, these entrepreneurs have specific resources that give them the ability to carry out a redefinition and enhancement of “turkishness” in its Azerbaijani specificity. The chapter then points out that Azeri elites with significant cultural capital tend to be integrated in the political system, whereas those with more “local” capital have been involved in setting up the Azeri rights movement.

scholarly journals KEBIJAKAN RUANG PUBLIK PEREMPUAN DI SAUDI ARABIA: Benarkah Sebuah Agenda Politik Double Interest?

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatkhur Roji
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Saudi Arabian ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
Crown Prince ◽  
The Right

<p>The emergence of the Saudi government's policy of allowing women to drive alone these days has become an interesting phenomenon to be examined, since before they forbid women to drive without a <em>mahram.</em> Since the appointment of the crown prince Salman bin Abdul Aziz, the Saudi government appears more dynamic and moderate. This new policy is in place to promote the development of the country with and to give women the right to participate freely in it. Observers see this as a political agenda of government, where with the political interest is expected Saudi Arabia can compete in the increasingly tight global economic competition. This article examines the policies of the Saudi Arabian government thoroughly from a social, economic, and political standpoint.</p><p>Munculnya kebijakan pemerintahan Saudi Arabia yang membolehkan perempuan untuk berkendara sendiri akhir-akhir ini menjadi fenomena yang menarik untuk diteliti, sebab sebelumnya mereka melarang perempuan berkendara tanpa mahram. Semenjak diangkatnya putera mahkota Salman bin Abdul Aziz, pemerintahan Saudi tampil lebih dinamis dan moderat. Kebijakan baru ini diberlakukan untuk meningkatkan perkembangan negara dengan dan untuk memberikan hak terhadap perempuan agar dapat berperan bebas di dalamnya. Para pengamat melihat ini sebagai agenda politik pemerintahan, dimana dengan kepentingan politik tersebut diharapkan Saudi Arabia dapat ikut bersaing dalam kompetisi ekonomi global yang semakin ketat. Artikel ini mengamati kebijakan pemerintah Saudi Arabia ini secara menyeluruh dari sudut pandang sosial, ekonomi, dan politik.</p>

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document