scholarly journals Latino and Central American Asylum Seekers in the United States of America During the Trump Administration

Author(s):  
Sina Mohammadi

The purpose of the article was to examine the Trump administration's asylum policy applied to Central American and Latino applicants. The United States has grappled with refugee problems in recent decades, and in 2018 Trump signed an executive order to detain families seeking to immigrate to the United States without separating from one another. With this decree, a new approach was formed in the policy of the United States government, which emphasizes the severe restrictions on the entry of asylum seekers and immigrants. In the methodological, it is a documentary research close to hermeneutics. It is concluded that, although the United States government has cited security concerns as an excuse to restrict the entry of asylum seekers, especially Latinos from Central American countries, this political approach is in conflict with the national legislation of the United States that stipulates that any citizen Foreigner arriving at any point along the US border, or at official exit points, has the right to apply for asylum. Furthermore, the implementation of such a policy is contrary to the end of the 1951 Convention, which focuses on the protection of refugees without distinction.

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Elisa Ortega Velázquez

This paper aims to argue that the United States has instrumentalized the right to asylum by converting Mexico into a “third ‘safe’ country” to divert Central American asylum seekers to Mexican territory and evade its international protection obligations. The methodological design is deductive, that is, such theorization was reached through documentary sources. Even with the limitations of the method, the paper is innovative because it analyzes migration management from critical legal studies and legal biopolitics by approaching securitization of migration through a genealogy of the discourses used by the United States to externalize its borders to Mexico, which have as their most recent strategy the “third ‘safe’ country” agreement. The consequences are the distortion of the right to asylum by removing its main protection: the non-refoulement principle and, in consequence, to let die Central American people fleeing from persecution and death geographies.


1996 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
E Donald Shapiro ◽  
Stewart Reifler

All three branches of the United States Government are, directly or indirectly, promoting the use and judicial acceptance of forensic DNA analysis. In addition, the establishment of a US national DNA databank has been authorized. The US Congress has passed the ‘DNA Identification Act of 1994’, which provides, inter alia, funding to the states for developing and/or improving forensic laboratories capable of conducting DNA analysis, and also creates a framework for federal supervision of forensic DNA technology. Specifically, the Executive Branch, through the Department of Justice and particularly its Federal Bureau of Investigation, has been directed to develop standards and practices in order to speed the admissibility of forensic DNA analysis as scientifically acceptable evidence in US courts. Finally, the federal judiciary has been ordered by the US Supreme Court to abandon or modify the 70-year-old Frye standard, which the Federal courts previously used to determine whether scientific evidence is deemed admissible, a move that will directly impact the judicial acceptance of forensic DNA analysis in all federal courts and undoubtedly will affect the admissibility of DNA evidence in many American state courts.


Worldview ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-7
Author(s):  
Ernest W. Lefever

The passionate “Biafra Lobby” in the United States is a perfect example of the moral and political pitfalls of organized pleading and pressure on particular international problems The pro Biafra crusade is an improbable conglomeration of the New Left and old right idealists and hierlings American citizens and foreigners churchmen and secularists isolationists and interventionists. Though no clear common concern unites these diverse persons most of them agree that the United States Government should do more than it is now doing to feed starving Biafrans and many of them seem to believe that the U.S. hands-off policy toward the brutal civil war in Nigeria is immoral because it interferes with mercy measures and denies the Biafrans the “right of self-determination.”


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (127) ◽  
pp. 205-226
Author(s):  
Jürgen Scheffran

The United States. government is moving towards missile defense and space weapons, driven by ominous threat perceptions. While missile defense is suffering from technical flaws and cost overruns, the quest for dominance in space by the US Space Command is trying to use many of the developed technologies for space warfare. lnstead of achieving a more peaceful defense-dominated world, this policy is rather creating offensive threats that may provoke an unstable and highly com plex arms spiral on earth and in space, ultimately undermining the security of all states including the US. To prevent passing the threshold to space weaponization the international community could take determined action to put diplomacy in the first place, focusing on nuclear disarmament, strengthened international missile control and a space weapons ban.


This chapter examines the impact of the Oslo Accords as it enters its third decade. It describes how negotiations were doomed to absolute failure by Israeli conditions, caveats, and loopholes; after Israel's latest wars in 2014, 2012, and 2008–2009, which left more Palestinians believing in armed resistance against Israel's occupation and illegal intimidation. The majority of Palestinians in Gaza blame the failure of negotiations not only on Israel but also on Palestinian leaders. Blame also lies with the United States government, which blocks every possibility of mutual peace through its bias toward Israel. In addition, it lies with pressure, and criticism, from Israeli lobbyists every time the US tries to take a step toward mutual peace based on international laws.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Sarah A. Blue ◽  
Jennifer A. Devine ◽  
Matthew P. Ruiz ◽  
Kathryn McDaniel ◽  
Alisa R. Hartsell ◽  
...  

In March 2020, the United States government began a series of measures designed to dramatically restrict immigration as part of its response to the global health crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic. This included Title 42, which deported asylum seekers immediately and prevented them from applying for asylum. These measures worsened an already precarious situation at the US–Mexico border for an estimated 60,000 asylum seekers who were prevented, by the Trump administration’s ‘Remain in Mexico’ (aka MPP) policy enacted in January 2019, from remaining in the United States while they awaited their asylum hearings. In-depth interviews, participant observation, and social media analysis with humanitarian and legal advocates for asylum seekers living in a camp at the border in Matamoros, Mexico reveal that COVID-19’s impacts are not limited to public health concerns. Rather, COVID-19’s impacts center on how the Trump administration weaponized the virus to indefinitely suspend the asylum system. We argue that the Matamoros refugee camp provides a strategic vantage point to understand the repercussions of state policies of exclusion on im/mobility and survival strategies for asylum seekers. Specifically, we use the analytical lenses of the politics of im/mobility, geographies of exclusion, and asylum seeker resilience to identify how COVID-19 has shaped the im/mobility and security of the camp and its residents in unexpected ways. At the same time, our research illustrates that camp residents exercise im/mobility as a form of political visibility to contest and ameliorate their precarity as they find themselves in conditions not of their choosing.


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